The UN billionaire has quietly bought up 242,000 acres of farmland in 18 states – and 268,984 of multi-use land in 19 states in total, making the UN the biggest agricultural landowner in the US, though far short of the biggest overall landowner in the country.
The man himself is the farthest thing from a farmer, however. He couldn’t even lift a bale of hay, let alone grip the two strands of bailing twine together with his bare hands.
Nevertheless, Gates now claims to own tens of thousands of acres of farmland across eighteen states.
He owns the most farmland in Louisiana – a stunning 69,071-acre portfolio, another 47,927 acres in Arkansas, and 20,588 acres in Nebraska, and has a stake in a 25,750-acre swath of land on the west side of Phoenix, Arizona.
So why is Bill Gates ‘frontin’ the buying up farmland across America for the UN?
Bill Gates and The UN’s Agricultural Experiments
Bill Gate’s (UN’s) investment vehicle, Cascade Investments, has gone to great lengths to conceal his large farmland purchases, and have tried to cover their tracks with each monstrous deal.
One of the deals was a $171 million acquisition, concealed by an LLC with two employees, in a metal-sided building down a dirt road off the Bayou Teche.
Bill Gates, via his UN funded foundations, prides himself in philanthropy, so why would he be directing his personal investment vehicle to invest in farmland across the country and keep it a secret? When starvation hits the US, everyone will suddenly realize the reason.
In 2008, his personal UN foundation invested $306 million to direct the farming operations of small holder farmers in sub-Saharan Africa and Southern Asia.
The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation used the grant money to support high-yield, “sustainable” agriculture.
Ten years later, Bill launched ‘Gates Ag One’ to advance these efforts. Now, Cascade Investments coordinates with a subsidiary, Cottonwood Ag Management, which is part of the ‘Leading Harvest’ network, a nonprofit that promotes sustainable agriculture.
The Harvest network now represents 2 million acres in 22 states and another 2 million acres across seven other countries. ‘The Sustainable Agriculture Working Group’ is behind this transformation of agriculture and Bill Gates is one of the main investors.
This 13-member group includes foreign investors looking to change food and crop production in the US, including: Ceres Partners, Hancock Natural Resources Group, The Rohayton Group, and UBS Farmland Investors.
Is Gates preparing to control US farmers and dictate the direction of US farming in accordance with the United Nations? Is he preparing to launch experimental GMOs across hundreds of thousands of acres of US farmland, dictating the type of seeds and animal breeds that farmers use? This would follow in-line with his covid mRNA vaccination plan to GMO all humans on the planet. GMO’d humans eating GMO’d food.
It’s unclear whether his UN farmland is being used for conservation purposes or whether he intends to invite foreign influence and experimental gene-altering technologies into the US agriculture space.
The two entities invested $174 million into experimental breeding programs that aim to make cows produce more milk, make chickens lay more eggs, and make genetically modified crops better withstand diseases
.
The experiments are intended to “help” 100 million African farmers so they can produce higher yields from their small-scale farming operations.
Another reason Bill Gates is buying up land is to provide for the UN’s upcoming smart cities. The land he owns just west of Phoenix is being developed into a new metropolis called Belmont. When complete, it is claimed it will boast 80,000 homes, 3,800 acres of industrial, office and retail space; 3,400 acres of open space; and 470 acres for public schools.
The acreage is strategically located off Interstate 10 and will be accessible to Interstate 11 as well. The 40 square miles is projected to house 200,000 or more residents, who will undoubtedly be subjected to 24/7 surveillance and personal data harvesting in everything they do within the hyper-connected smart city.
Bill Gate’s sardonic influence is part of a greater UN INFLUENCE that seeks to use Americans and their resources for international control and exploitation.
Bill Gates and Neo-Feudalism: A Closer Look at Farmer Bill
Bill Gates is a poster-child for the UN’s Technocracy. He clearly has his eye on monopoly-power over humanity’s health with mass vaccines, but is he also trying to gain monopoly control over food?
The 1812 Global RESET set up the MATRIX to enable the new North American venture, that being the US, to create the illusion of democracy, property ownership and freedom from European feudalism. A noble experiment in self-governance depended on the perpetual control of the nation’s land base by tens of thousands of independent farmers, each with the illusion of a stake in democracy.
So, at best, Gates’ campaign to scarf up America’s agricultural real estate is a signal that feudalism is again in vogue in the era of the RESET 2020. It is a harbinger of something far more alarming — the control of global food supplies by a brutal new agenda called UN Agenda 21.
UN puppet Gates’ stealth purchases are part of the long-term strategy of mastery over agriculture and food production globally.
Characteristically, the UN approach to global problems puts technocracy, chemical, pharmaceutical and oil industry partners at the center of every solution. As it turned out, the UN’s “innovative strategy” for food production was to force America’s failed system of GMO, chemical and fossil fuel-based agriculture on poor African farmers. The food system, in conjunction with the medical care/pharmaceutical system have brought disease to an all new level in social control and exploitation of national economies, to the point that it now represents almost half of the GDP in the US, while still climbing rapidly. The MATRIX control system could hardly have been so successful without it.
African agricultural practices have evolved from the land over 10,000 years in forms that promote crop diversity, decentralization, sustainability, private property, self-organization and local control of seeds. The personal freedom inherent in these localized systems leaves farm families making their own decisions: the masters on their lands, the sovereigns of their destinies. Continuous innovation by millions of small farmers maximized sustainable yields and biodiversity. Unchecked population growth and government tyranny has overwhelmed the agricultural system allowing poverty to win the day.
The UN spent $4.9 billion dollars to dismantle this ancient system and replace it with high-tech corporatized and industrialized agriculture, chemically dependent monocultures, extreme centralization and top-down control. This forced small African farms to transition to imported commercial seeds, petroleum fertilizers and pesticides.
The UN built the supply chain infrastructure for chemicals and seeds and pressured African governments to spend huge sums on subsidies and to use draconian penalties and authoritarian control to force farmers to buy these expensive provisions and comply with their dictates. They made farmers replace traditional nutritious subsistence crops like sorghum, millet, sweet potato and cassava with high-yield industrial cash crops, like soy and corn, which benefit elite commodity traders but leave poor Africans with little to eat. Both nutrition and productivity plummeted. Soils grew more acidic with every application of petrochemical fertilizers.
As with UN’ African vaccine enterprise, there was neither internal evaluation nor public accountability. The 2020 study “False Promises: The Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA)” is the report card on the UN’ cartel’s 14-year effort. The investigation concludes that the number of Africans suffering extreme hunger has increased by 30 percent in the 18 countries that Gates targeted. Rural poverty has metastasized dramatically, and the number of hungry people in these nations has risen to 131 million.
Under the UN’ plantation system, Africa’s rural populations have become slaves on their own land to a tyrannical serfdom of high-tech inputs, mechanization, rigid schedules, burdensome conditionalities, credits and subsidies that are the defining features of the UN’ “Green Revolution.”
The only entities benefiting from this program are the international corporate partners — and particularly Monsanto, in which the Gates Foundation Trust purchased 500,000 shares worth $23 million in 2010 (but later divested those shares after pressure from civil society groups). Gates himself even filmed commercials for Monsanto’s GMOs, touting them as the “solution” to world hunger.
The AGRA Watch initiative of Seattle-based Community Alliance for Global Justice follows Gates’ UN agricultural and food policies. According to Heather Day, an AGRA Watch spokesperson, AGRA is a trojan horse for corporate kleptocracy.
“The Gates Foundation and AGRA claim to be ‘pro-farmer,’ ‘pro-poor’ and ‘pro-environment,’” we’re told . “But their approach is closely aligned with transnational corporations, like Monsanto, and foreign policy actors like USAID [United States Agency for International Development].They take advantage of food and global climate crises to promote high-tech, centralized, industrial agriculture that generate profits for the corporate partners while degrading the environment and disempowering farmers. Their programs are a dark form of philanthrocapitalism based on biopiracy and corporate biopiracy.”
There are many other facets to the RESET 2020, but this covers a big element.
Though Cohn’s
influence in the Reagan administration and his friendship with the Reagan
family and their inner circle has been acknowledged, less well-known is how
Cohn aided the CIA’s covert propaganda efforts that were part of the larger
scandal known as Iran-Contra.
Cohn, whose influence over the press has already been detailed, forged close ties with the director of the U.S. Information Agency, Chad Wick, even hosting a luncheon in Wick’s honor that was widely attended by influential figures in the conservative press, as well as senators and representatives. Soon after, then-CIA Director and Cohn’ friend William Casey was spearheading an extensive PR campaign aimed at shoring up public support for Reagan’s Latin American policies, including support of the Contra paramilitaries.
This domestic
propaganda effort was technically illegal and required that the CIA outsource
the job to the private sector to minimize the risk of fall-out. As Robert Parry
reported in 2015,
Wick took the lead in obtaining private funding for the effort and, just a few
days after Wick promised to find private support, Cohn brought his close
friend, the media mogul Rupert Murdoch, to the White House.
Reagan meets with
Rupert Murdoch, U.S. Information Agency Director Charles Wick, and Roy Cohn in
the Oval Office in 1983. Photo | Reagan presidential library
Parry later noted that,
after this meeting, “documents released during the Iran-Contra scandal in 1987
and later from the Reagan Library indicate that Murdoch was soon viewed as a
source for the private funding” for the propaganda campaign.
After that
initial meeting, Murdoch became the top media ally of this Casey-directed
propaganda effort, and also became increasingly close to the Reagan White
House. Murdoch, as a consequence, benefited greatly
from Reagan’s policies and his friendship with the administration, which
allowed Murdoch to increase his U.S. media holdings and to create the Fox
Broadcasting Corporation in 1987.
“The man in the black tuxedo”
Roy Cohn was not
the only one close to the Reagan administration who was simultaneously running
sexual blackmail operations that abused and exploited children. In fact, there
were several figures, all of whom shared direct connections to CIA Director William Casey and other close friends
and confidants of Cohn.
One of these
individuals was Robert Keith Gray, the former chairman and CEO of the powerful
Washington-based public relations firm of Hill and Knowlton, which 60
Minutes once called “an unelected shadow government” due to its influence
in the capitol. According to the Washington Post,
Gray himself was “one of the most sought-after lobbyists in Washington” and a Post
reporter once called him “a kind of legend in this town, …the man in the
black tuxedo with snow-white hair and a smile like a diamond.”
Yet, Gray was much more than a powerful PR executive.
Gray, who had
previously been a close adviser to
both Dwight D. Eisenhower and Richard Nixon, was a very successful Republican
fundraiser who “collects money in six-figure globs,” according to a 1974 report in the Washingtonian.
He first came into close contact with what would become Ronald Reagan’s inner
circle during Reagan’s unsuccessful 1976 presidential campaign and later as
deputy director of communications during Reagan’s campaign in 1980. The latter
position would see him work directly under William Casey, who later became CIA
director.
Gray would go on
to co-chair Reagan’s Inauguration Committee and afterwards would return to the
PR business, taking on several clients
including Saudi arms dealer Adnan
Khashoggi and hedge fund manager Marc Rich. Both Khashoggi and Rich will be
discussed more in detail later — particularly Rich, who was an asset of Israeli
intelligence outfit Mossad, and whose later criminal pardon by Bill Clinton was
largely orchestrated by members of the Mega Group like Michael Steinhardt and
Israeli politicians like Ehud Barak.
The connection
between Gray and Casey is particulary telling, as it was later revealed by
former Nebraska state senator-turned-investigator John DeCamp that Gray was a specialist in
homosexual blackmail operations for the CIA and was reported to have
collaborated with Roy Cohn in those activities. Cohn and Gray were likely to have
known each other well, as during Reagan’s 1980 presidential campaign Casey —
then Gray’s boss — was calling Roy Cohn “every day,” according to Cohn’s former
switchboard operator Christine Seymour.
Gray was a known
associate of CIA agent and Naval Intelligence officer Edwin Wilson, having
served in the 1970s on the board of Consultants International, an organization
that Wilson had founded and that the CIA used as a front company. Though Gray
attempted to distance himself from Wilson after the latter was caught illegally
selling weapons to Libya in 1983, a Navy review of Wilson’s intelligence
career, unearthed by journalist Peter
Maas, stated that Gray described Wilson as a man of “unqualified
trust” and that Gray and Wilson had been in professional contact “two or three
times a month” as early as 1963.
Though Wilson’s
main specialty was front companies used to covertly ship and smuggle goods on
behalf of U.S. intelligence, he also ran sexual blackmail operations for the
CIA, particularly around the time of the Watergate scandal, according to his
former partner and fellow agent at the CIA, Frank Terpil.
Terpil later told author and
investigative journalist Jim Hougan:
Historically, one
of Wilson’s Agency jobs was to subvert members of both houses [of Congress] by
any means necessary…. Certain people could be easily coerced by living out
their sexual fantasy in the flesh…. A remembrance of these occasions [was]
permanently recorded via selected cameras…. The technicians in charge of
filming … [were] TSD [Technical Services Division of the CIA]. The unwitting
porno stars advanced in their political careers, some of [whom] may still be in
office.”
According to
Terpil, Wilson ran his operation out of the George Town Club, owned by lobbyist
and Korean intelligence asset Tongsun Park. According to the Washington Post,
Park set up the club on behalf of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency “as a
primary means in an illegal effort to influence U.S. politicians and
officials.” The president of the George Town Club at the time of
Wilson’s alleged activities at the site was Robert Keith Gray.
DeCamp later reported that
Wilson’s activities were a spin-off of the same sexual blackmail operation in
which Cohn became involved during the McCarthy era with Lewis Rosenstiel and J.
Edgar Hoover.
Father Ritter and his favored youths
The operation
allegedly ran by Gray and Wilson was not the only sexual blackmail operation
connected to Cohn’s network or to influential American politicians of the era.
Another pedophile network that was connected to a close associate of former
President George H.W. Bush in the early 1990s was run as an affiliate of the
Catholic charity Covenant House,
which was founded and run by Father Bruce Ritter.
In 1968, Ritter asked
his superior — Cardinal Francis Spellman of the
Archdiocese of New York — for permission to take homeless teenagers, boys and
girls, into his home in Manhattan. Spellman was accused of pedophilia and ordained known pedophiles while serving as the
highest-ranking Catholic priest in the United States. Spellman was also a close
associate, client and friend of Roy Cohn, as well as of his law partner Tom
Bolan, and Spellman was alleged to have been seen at least one of Cohn’s
“blackmail parties.” In addition, Spellman’s nephew, Ned Spellman, worked for Roy Cohn,
according to LIFE magazine.
Ritter, like
Spellman and other priests who served under Spellman, was eventually accused of
having sexual relationships with many of the underaged boys he had taken in,
and of spending Covenant House funds on lavish gifts and payments to the
vulnerable teenagers he exploited.
One of Ritter’s
victims, Darryl Bassile, wrote an open letter
to him a year after the priest’s preying on teenage boys was exposed by the
press: “You were wrong for inflicting your desires on a 14-year-old . . . I
know that someday you will stand before the one who judges all of us and at
that time there will be no more denial, just the truth.”
Notably, when
Ritter’s activities at Covenant House were exposed in 1989 by the New York
Post, Charles M. Sennott, the Post reporter who wrote the story,
would later state that “the
secular powers more than the archdiocese or the Franciscans protected him
[Ritter].” Sennott’s report was attacked viciously by
columnists in other New York media outlets, powerful politicians including
then-Governor of New York Mario Cuomo,
as well as by Cardinal Spellman’s successor, Cardinal John O’Connor.
The likely reason
these “secular powers” came to the aid of the embattled Ritter, who was never
charged for having sexual relationships with minors and was merely forced to
resign from his post, is that Covenant House and Ritter himself were deeply tied to Robert
Macauley, Bush Sr.’s roommate at Yale and a long-time friend of
the Bush family. Macauley was described by the New York Times as
“instrumental” to Covenant House fundraising after he joined its board in 1985
and brought on several “other wealthy or well-connected people,” including
former government officials and investment bankers.
George Bush and
first lady Barbara meet residents at New York’s Convent House, June 22, 1989.
Father Bruce Ritter is seated in the background. Rick Bowmen | AP
Macauley’s
organization, the AmeriCares Foundation, which was later accused of funneling money to the Contras
in Central America, was one of the main sources of funding of Covenant House.
One of the members of AmeriCares advisory board was William E. Simon, former
U.S. secretary of the treasury under the Nixon and Ford administrations, who also ran the
Nicaraguan Freedom Fund, which sent aid to the Contras.
AmeriCares was
also known to work directly with U.S. intelligence. As the Hartford Courantnoted in 1991:
“Knowledgeable former federal officials, many with backgrounds in intelligence
work, help AmeriCares maneuver in delicate international political
environments.”
Furthermore,
Ritter was known to have visited Macauley’s Connecticut estate and served as
Vice President of AmeriCares until he was forced to resign from Covenant House.
Notably, George H.W. Bush’s brother, Prescott, was also on the AmeriCares advisory board. After
George H.W. Bush died last year, AmeriCares stated that he had
been “instrumental in founding the health-focused relief and development
organization.”
Years before
Ritter was outed as a pedophile who preyed on the disadvantaged and vulnerable
teenagers who sought refuge at his charity, Covenant House was praised heavily
by President Ronald Reagan, even earning a mention in his 1984 State of the
Union address, which called Ritter one of the country’s “unsung heroes.” From
1985 to 1989, Covenant House’s operating budget grew from $27 million to $90 million
and its board came to include powerful individuals including top executives at
IBM, Chase Manhattan Bank and Bear Stearns.
It was during
this time that Covenant House grew into an international organization, opening
branches in several countries, including Canada, Mexico and elsewhere in
Central America. Its first branch in Central America was opened in Guatemala
and was headed by Roberto Alejos Arzu, a CIA asset whose plantation was
used to train the troops used in the CIA’s failed “Bay of Pigs” invasion of
Cuba. Alejos Arzu was also an associate of the former U.S.-backed dictator of
Nicaragua, Anastasio Somoza, and a member of the
Knights of Malta, a Catholic order to which former CIA Director William Casey
and Roy Cohn’s law partner Tom Bolan also belonged. Alejos Arzu also worked for
AmeriCares and was tied to several Central American paramilitary groups.
Intelligence
community sources cited by DeCamp
assert that the Alejos Arzu-led branch of Covenant House procured children for
a pedophile ring based in the United States. Years later, Mi Casa, another
U.S.-run charity in Guatemala that George H.W. Bush had personally toured with
his wife Barbara in 1994, was accused of
rampant pedophilia and child abuse.
The downfall of “Washington’s Jay
Gatsby”
After having left
his job as an ABC News correspondent in the 1980s, Craig Spence found
success as a prominent conservative Washington lobbyist. Spence would soon find
his fortunes shift dramatically when, in June 1989, it was revealed that he had
been pimping out children to the power elite in the nation’s capital throughout
the 1980s in apartments that were bugged with video and audio recording
equipment. Much like Jeffrey Epstein, who ran a similar operation, Spence was
often likened to Jay Gatsby, the mysterious, wealthy figure from the well-known
Fitzgerald novel The Great Gatsby.
A 1982 New York Times
article written about Spence said that his “personal phone book and
party guest lists constitute a ‘Who’s Who’ in Congress, Government and
journalism” and stated that Spence was “hired by his clients as much for whom
he knows as what he knows.” Spence was also known to throw lavish parties,
which the Times described as “glitter[ed] with notables, from
ambassadors to television stars, from senators to senior State Department
officials.” Roy Cohn, William Casey and Roy Cohn’s journalist friend William
Safire were just some of the other attendees at Spence’s festivities.
“According to Mr.
Spence,” the Times article continues, “Richard Nixon is a friend.
So is [former Attorney General under Nixon] John Mitchell. [CBS
journalist] Eric Sevareid is termed ‘an old, dear friend.’ Senator John Glenn
is ‘a good friend’ and Peter Ustinov [British actor and journalist] is ‘an old,
old friend.’” Notably, Ustinov wrote forThe
European newspaper soon after it was founded in 1990 by Robert Maxwell, the
father of Epstein’s alleged madam Ghislaine Maxwell and a known Mossad agent.
It was revealed
just seven years after the Times’ published its doting profile of Spence
that his “glittery parties for key officials of the Reagan and Bush
administrations, media stars and top military officers” had been bugged in
order “to compromise guests.” According to the explosive report published
by the Washington Times, Spence was linked to a “homosexual
prostuition ring” whose clients included “government officials, locally based
U.S. military officers, businessmen, lawyers, bankers, congressional aides,
media representatives and other professionals.” Spence also offered cocaine to
his guests as another means of acquiring blackmail.
According to the
report, Spence’s home “was bugged and had a secret two-way mirror, and … he
attempted to ensnare visitors into compromising sexual encounters that he could
then use as leverage.” One man who spoke to the Washington
Times said that Spence sent a limousine to his home, which took
him to a party where “several young men tried to become friendly with him.”
According to DeCamp, Spence was known to offer young children for sex to
attendees at his blackmail parties, along with illegal drugs like cocaine.
Several other
sources, including a Reagan White House official and an Air Force sergeant who
had attended Spence-hosted parties, confirmed that Spence’s house was filled
with recording equipment, which he regularly used to spy on and record guests,
and his house also included a two-way mirror that he used for eavesdropping.
The report also
documented Spence’s connections to U.S. intelligence, particularly the CIA.
According to the Washington Times
report, Spence “often boasted that he was working for the CIA and on
one occasion said he was going to disappear for awhile ‘because he had an
important CIA assignment.’” He was also quite paranoid about his alleged work
for the agency, as he expressed concern “that the CIA might ‘doublecross him’
and kill him instead and then make it look like a suicide.” Not long after the Washington
Times report on his activities was published, Spence was found dead in the
Boston Ritz Carlton and his death was quickly ruled a suicide.
The Washington Times
report also offers a clue as to what Spence may have done for the
CIA, as it cited sources that had claimed that Spence had spoken of smuggling
cocaine into the U.S. from El Salvador, an operation that he claimed had
involved U.S. military personnel. Given the timing of these comments from
Spence, Spence’s powerful connections, and the CIA’s involvement in the
exchange of cocaine for weapons in the Iran Contra scandal, his comments may
have been much more than just boasts intended to impress his party guests.
One of the most critical parts of the scandal surrounding Spence, however, was the fact that he had been able to enter the White House late at night during the George H.W. Bush administration with young men whom the Washington Times described as “Questionable”
Spence later stated that his
contacts within the White House, which allowed him and his “call boys” access,
were “top level” officials and he specifically singled out George H.W. Bush’s
then-National Security Advisor Donald Gregg. Gregg had worked at the CIA since
1951 before he resigned in 1982 to become National Security Advisor to Bush,
who was then vice president. Prior to resigning from his post at the CIA, Gregg
had worked directly under William Casey and, in the late 1970s, alongside a young William Barr in stonewalling the
congressional Pike Committee and Church Committee, which investigated the CIA
beginning in 1975. Among the things that they were tasked with investigating
were the CIA’s “love traps,”
or sexual blackmail operations used to lure foreign diplomats to bugged apartments,
complete with recording equipment and two-way mirrors.
Barr would later
become Bush’s Attorney General, rising to that post yet again under Trump.
Furthermore, Barr’s father worked for the precursor to the CIA, the Office of
Strategic Services (OSS) and recruited a young
Jeffrey Epstein, then a high school drop-out, to teach at the elite Dalton
School, from which Epstein was later fired. A year prior to hiring Epstein,
Donald Barr published a science fiction fantasy novel about sex slavery.
Notably, the same year Donald
Barr hired Epstein, his son was working for the CIA. Bill Barr has refused
calls to recuse himself from the Epstein case, even though he worked at the
same law firm that has represented Epstein in the past.
Donald Gregg is
also connected to Roy Cohn’s “influence machine” through his daughter’s marriage
to Christopher Buckley, the son of conservative journalist William Buckley,
close confidant and friend of both Roy Cohn and Cohn’s law partner Tom Bolan.
The Washington
Times reports on Spence’s child sex ring also reveal his close ties to none
other than the ubiquitous Roy Cohn. One of the Times’ sources for its first story on
the scandal alleged that he had attended a birthday party for Roy Cohn that
Spence had hosted at his home and that CIA Director William Casey was also in
attendance. Spence was also said in the report to often brag about his social
companions and regularly mentioned Cohn and claimed to have hosted Cohn at his
house on occasions other than the aforementioned birthday party.
“Bodies by God”
The revelation of
Craig Spence’s “call boy ring” soon led to the discovery of the infamous
Franklin child sex abuse and ritual murder scandal. That sordid operation was
run out of Omaha, Nebraska by Larry King, a
prominent local Republican activist and lobbyist who ran the Franklin Community
Federal Credit Union until it was shut down by federal authorities.
Buried in a May
1989 article in the Omaha World Herald’sprobe into King’s Credit Union
and sex ring, is a telling revelation: “In the 6-1/2 months since
federal authorities closed Franklin, rumors have persisted that money from the
credit union somehow found its way to the Nicaraguan contra rebels.”
The possibility
that King’s fraudulent credit union was covertly funding the Contras was
supported by subsequent reporting
by the Houston Post’s Pete Brewton, who discovered that the CIA, in
conjunction with organized crime, had secretly borrowed money from various
savings and loans (S&L) institutions to fund covert operations. One of
those S&Ls had Neil Bush, George H.W. Bush’s son, on its board and it had
done business with King’s organization.
Another link
between King and the Iran Contra team is the fact that King had co-founded and subsequently
donated over $25,000 to an organization affiliated with the Reagan
administration, Citizens for America, which sponsored speaking trips for Lt.
Col. Oliver North and Contra leaders. The director of Citizens for America at
the time was David Carmen, who simultaneously ran a public relations firm
with the former head of covert
operations at the Casey-led CIA, his father Gerald, who had also been appointed
by Reagan to head the General Services Administration and to a subsequent
ambassadorship.
One of the
investigative journalists who researched the Craig Spence ring later told DeCamp
that Spence’s ring was connected to King:
The way we
discovered Larry King and his Nebraska-based call boy ring, was by looking
through the credit card chits of Spence’s ring, where we found King’s name.”
It was later revealed
that King and Spence were essentially business partners as their child
trafficking rings were operated under a larger group that was nicknamed “Bodies
by God.”
Exactly how many
groups operated under this umbrella group, “Bodies
by God,” is unknown. Yet, what is known is that the rings run by both King
and Spence were connected to each other and both were also connected to
prominent officials in the Reagan and subsequent George H.W. Bush
administrations, including officials with ties to the CIA and Roy Cohn and his
network.
Indeed Spence,
just months before his alleged suicide in the Boston Ritz Carlton, had hinted to Washington
Times reporters Michael Hedges and Jerry Seper, who had originally broken
the story, that they had merely scratched the surface of something much
darker:
All this stuff
you’ve uncovered [involving call boys, bribery and the White House tours], to
be honest with you, is insignificant compared to other things I’ve done. But
I’m not going to tell you those things, and somehow the world will carry on.”
It is also worth
noting the role of the FBI in all of this, particularly in the Franklin child
sex abuse scandal. Indeed, Larry King’s
child sex abuse ring was quickly and aggressively
covered up by the FBI, which used a variety of under-handed
tactics to bury the reality of King’s sordid operation. Here, it is important
to recall the key role former FBI Director
J. Edgar Hoover played in similar sexual blackmail operations that abused
children and the close relationship between Hoover, Roy Cohn and Lewis
Rosenstiel, who later employed Hoover’s former right-hand man at the FBI, Louis
Nichols.
Years later, documents released by
the FBI would show that Epstein became
an FBI informant in 2008, when Robert Mueller was the Bureau’s director, in
exchange for immunity from then-pending federal charges, a deal that fell
through with Epstein’s recent arrest on new federal charges. In addition,
former FBI Director Louis Freeh would be hired by
Alan Dershowitz, who is accused of raping girls at Epstein’s homes and was once
a character witness for Roy Cohn, to intimidate Epstein’s victims. As
previously mentioned, Freeh’s past appointment as a judge for the United States
District Court for the Southern District of New York was orchestrated by
Cohn’s law partner Tom Bolan.
Thus, the FBI’s cover-up of the
Franklin case is just one example of the Bureau’s long-standing practice of
protecting these pedophile rings when they involve members of the American
political elite and provide the Bureau with a steady supply of blackmail. It
also makes it worth questioning the impartiality of one of the main prosecutors
in the Jeffrey Epstein case, Maurene Comey, who is
the daughter of former FBI Director James Comey.
The rot at the top
While there were
several sexual trafficking operations connected to both Roy Cohn and the halls
of power under the Reagan administration, in a matter of months after Cohn’s
death it appears that another individual became a central figure in the
powerful network that Cohn had cultivated.
That individual, Jeffrey Epstein, would be recruited,
after his firing from the Dalton School, by Alan “Ace” Greenberg, a close friend of Cohn,
to work at Bear Stearns. After leaving Bear Stearns and working as an alleged
financial “bounty hunter” for clients that are said to have included the Iran-Contra-linked arms dealer
Adnan Khashoggi, Epstein would come
into contact with Leslie Wexner, a billionaire close to the Meyer Lansky-linked
Bronfman family, who himself was tied to members of organized crime syndicates
once represented by Cohn.
The same year
that Wexner would begin his decades-long association with Epstein, another Cohn
friend with ties to the Reagan White House and the Trump family, Ronald Lauder,
would provide Epstein with an Austrian passport containing Epstein’s picture
but a false name.
Lauder, Wexner
and the Bronfmans are members of an elite organization known as the Mega Group,
which also includes other Meyer Lansky-connected “philanthropists” like hedge
fund manager Michael Steinhardt.
While Epstein shares considerable overlap with the network described in this
report, he is also deeply connected to the Mega Group as well as its
associates, including Ghislaine Maxwell’s father, Robert Maxwell.
We will now focus
on the Mega Group and its ties to the network that has been described above. In
addition, the role of the state of Israel, the Mossad, and several global
pro-Israel lobby organizations will also be discussed in relation to this
network of sexual blackmail operations and Jeffrey Epstein.
It is here that the full breadth of the
Epstein scandal comes into view. It is a criminal and unconscionable blackmail
operation that has been run by influential figures, hidden in plain sight, for
over half a century, exploiting and destroying the lives of untold numbers of
children in the process.
Over the years, it has grown many branches and spread well beyond the United
States, as seen by the activity of Covenant House in Latin America and
Epstein’s own international effort to recruit more girls to be abused and
exploited.
All of this has
taken place with the full knowledge and blessing of top figures in the world of
“philanthropy” and in the U.S. government and intelligence communities, with
great influence over several presidential administrations, particularly since
the rise of Ronald Reagan and continuing through to Donald Trump.
Hidden in Plain Sight:
The Shocking Origins of the Jeffrey Epstein Case
Epstein is only the latest incarnation
of a much older, more extensive and sophisticated operation that offers a
frightening window into how deeply tied the U.S. government is to the
modern-day equivalents of organized crime.
To many of his
famous friends, the current president among them, July 18th, 2019 is a
threatening development. Many questions have since been asked about how much
Epstein’s famous friends knew of his activities and exactly what Epstein was up
to. The Trump arguably received the most attention after it was reported that
Alex Acosta — who arranged Epstein’s “sweetheart” deal in 2008 and who recently resigned as Donald Trump’s Labor
Secretary following Epstein’s arrest — claimed that the mysterious billionaire had worked for “intelligence.”
Other
investigations have made it increasingly clear that Epstein was running a blackmail operation, as he had bugged
the venues — whether at his New York mansion or Caribbean island getaway — with
microphones and cameras to record the salacious interactions that transpired
between his guests and the underage girls that Epstein exploited. Epstein
appeared to have stored much of that blackmail in a
safe on his private island.
Claims of
Epstein’s links and his involvement in a sophisticated, well-funded sexual
blackmail operation have, surprisingly, spurred few media outlets to examine
the history of intelligence agencies both in the U.S. and abroad conducting
similar sexual blackmail operations, many of which also involved underage
prostitutes.
In the U.S.
alone, the CIA operated numerous sexual blackmail operations throughout the country, employing prostitutes to target foreign
diplomats in what the Washington Post once nicknamed the CIA’s “love
traps.” If one goes even farther back into the U.S. historical record it
becomes apparent that these tactics and their use against powerful political
and influential figures significantly predate the CIA and even its precursor,
the Office of Strategic Services (OSS). In fact, they were pioneered years
earlier by none other than the American Mafia.
A handful of
figures who were influential in American organized crime during and after
Prohibition were directly engaged in sexual blackmail operations that they used
for their own, often dark, purposes.
We will examine how a mob-linked
businessman with deep ties to notorious gangster Meyer Lansky developed close
ties with the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) while also running a sexual
blackmail operation for decades, which later became a covert part of the anti-ommunist
crusade of the 1950s led by Senator Joseph McCarthy (R-WI), himself known
throughout Washington for having a habit of drunkenly groping underage teenaged
girls.
Yet, it would be
one of McCarthy’s closest aides who would take over the ring in later years,
trafficking minors and expanding this sexual blackmail operation at the same
time he expanded his own political influence, putting him in close contact with
prominent figures including former President Ronald Reagan and a man who would
later become president, Donald Trump.
After this
figure’s death, the blackmail operation continued under various successors in
different cities and there is strong evidence that Jeffrey Epstein became one
of them.
Samuel
Bronfman and the Mob
The Prohibition
Era in the United States is often used as an example of how banning
recreational substances not only increases their popularity but also causes a
boom in criminal activity. Indeed, it was Prohibition that greatly increased
the strength of the American Mafia, as the top crime lords of the day grew rich
through the clandestine trade and sale of alcohol in addition to gambling and
other activities.
It is through the
bootlegging trade of the 1920s and the early 1930s that this story begins, as
it brought together key figures whose successors and affiliates would
eventually create a series of blackmail and sex trafficking rings that would
give rise to the likes of Jeffrey Epstein, the “Lolita Express” and “Orgy
Island.”
Samuel Bronfman
never planned to become a major producer of liquor but true to his family’s
last name, which means “brandy man” in Yiddish, he eventually began
distributing alcohol as an extension of his family’s hotel business. During
Canada’s Prohibition period, which was briefer than and preceded that of its
southern neighbor, the Bronfman family business used loopholes to skirt the law and find technically
legal ways to sell alcohol in the hotels and stores the family owned. The
family relied on its connections with members of the American Mafia to
illegally smuggle alcohol from the United States.
Soon after
Prohibition ended in Canada, it began in the United States and, by the time the
flow of illegal alcohol had turned the other way, the Bronfmans – whose
business ventures were then being led by Sam Bronfman and his brothers — were
relatively late to an already flourishing bootlegging trade.
“We were late
starters in the two most lucrative markets – on the high seas and across the
Detroit River. What came out of the border trade in Saskatchewan was
insignificant by comparison,” Bronfman once told Canadian journalist Terence
Robertson, who was then writing a biography of Bronfman. Nonetheless, “this was
when we started to make our real money,” Bronfman recounted. Robertson’s
biography on Bronfman was never published, as he died under mysterious
circumstances soon after warning his colleagues that he
had uncovered unsavory information about the Bronfman family.
Samuel Bronfman
pictured in 1937 with his sons Edgar and Charles
Key to Bronfman’s
success during American Prohibition were the ties his family had cultivated
with organized crime during Canada’s Prohibition, ties that led many prominent
members of the mob in the United States to favor Bronfman as a business
partner. Bronfman liquor was purchased in massive quantities by many crime
lords who still live on in American legend, including Charles “Lucky” Luciano, Moe
Dalitz, Abner “Longy” Zwillman and Meyer Lansky.
Most of
Bronfman’s mob associates during Prohibition were members of what became known
as the National Crime Syndicate, which a 1950s Senate investigative body known
as the Kefauver Committee described as a confederation dominated by
Italian-American and Jewish-American mobs. During that investigation, some of
the biggest names in the American Mafia
named Bronfman as a central figure in their bootlegging operations.
The widow of notorious American mob boss Meyer Lansky even recounted how
Bronfman had thrown lavish dinner parties for her husband.
Years later,
Samuel Bronfman’s children and grandchildren, their family’s ties to the
criminal underworld intact, would go on to associate closely with Leslie
Wexner, allegedly the source of much of Epstein’s mysterious wealth, and other
mob-linked “philanthropists,” and some would even manage their own sexual blackmail
operations, including the recently busted blackmail-based “sex cult” NXIVM.
The later generations of the Bronfman family, particularly Samuel Bronfman’s
sons Edgar and Charles.
Lewis Rosenstiel’s
dark secret
Crucial to
Bronfman’s Prohibition-era bootlegging operations were two middlemen, one of whom was Lewis “Lew” Rosenstiel.
Rosenstiel got his start working at his uncle’s distillery in Kentucky before
Prohibition. Once the law banning alcohol was in force, Rosenstiel created the
Schenley Products Company, which would later become one of the largest liquor
companies in North America.
Though he was a
high school drop-out and not particularly well-connected socially at the time,
Rosenstiel happened to have a “chance” meeting with Winston Churchill in 1922
while on vacation in the French Riviera. According to the New York Times, Churchill
“advised him [Rosenstiel] to prepare for the return of liquor sales in the
United States.” Rosenstiel somehow managed to secure the funding of the elite and
respected Wall Street firm Lehman Brothers to finance his purchase of shuttered
distilleries.
Officially,
Rosenstiel is said to have built his company and wealth after
Prohibition, by following Churchill’s advice to prepare for Repeal. However, he
was clearly involved in bootlegging operations and was even indicted for
bootlegging in 1929, though he evaded conviction. Like Bronfman, Rosenstiel was
close to organized crime, particularly members of the mostly Jewish-American
and Italian-American mob alliance known as the National Crime Syndicate.
Subsequent New
York state legislative investigations would allege that Rosenstiel “was part of a
‘consortium’ with underworld figures that bought liquor in Canada [from Samuel
Bronfman]”, whose other members were “Meyer Lansky, the
reputed organized crime leader; Joseph Fusco, an associate of late Chicago
gangster Al Capone and Joseph Linsey, a Boston man Mr. Kelly [the congressional
investigator testifying] identified as a convicted bootlegger.” Rosenstiel’s
relationship with these men, particularly Lansky, would continue long
after Prohibition and Samuel Bronfman, for his part, would also maintain his
mob ties.
In addition to
his friends in the mob, Rosenstiel also
cultivated close ties with the FBI, developing a close relationship with longtime FBI
Director J. Edgar Hoover and making Hoover’s right-hand man and longtime
assistant at the FBI, Louis Nichols, the Vice President of his Schenley empire
in 1957.
Despite their
similar backgrounds as bootlegger barons turned “respectable” businessmen,
Bronfman’s and Rosenstiel’s personalities were drastically different and their
relationship was complicated, at best. One example of the dissimilarities
between North America’s top liquor barons was how they treated their staff.
Bronfman was not necessarily known for being a cruel boss, whereas Rosenstiel was known for his erratic and “monstrous”
behavior towards employees as well as his unusual practice of bugging his
offices in order to hear what employees said about him when he wasn’t present.
Rosenstiel was
connected to both the FBI and to organized crime
Such differences
between Bronfman and Rosenstiel were also reflected in their personal lives.
While Bronfman married only once and was loyal to his wife, Rosenstiel was
married five times and was known for his relatively closeted bisexual antics, a
part of his life that was well-known to many of his close
associates and employees.
Though for years
there were only hints to this other side of the controversial businessman,
details emerged years later during a divorce proceeding brought by Rosenstiel’s
fourth wife, Susan Kaufman, that would back the claims. Kaufman alleged that Rosenstiel hosted extravagant
parties that included “boy prostitutes” that her husband had hired “for the
enjoyment” of certain guests, which included important government officials and
prominent figures in America’s criminal underworld. Kaufman would later make
the same claims under oath during the hearing of the New York’s State Joint
Legislative Committee on Crime in the early 1970s.
Not only did
Rosenstiel organize these parties, but he also made sure that their venues were
bugged with microphones that recorded the antics of his high-profile guests.
Those audio recordings, Kaufman alleged, were then kept for the purpose of
blackmail. Though Kaufman’s claims are shocking, her testimony was deemed credible and held in high
regard by the former chief counsel of the Crime Committee, New York Judge
Edward McLaughlin, and committee investigator William Gallinaro and aspects of
her testimony were later corroborated by two separate witnesses who were
unknown to Kaufman.
These “blackmail
parties” offer a window into an operation that would later become more
sophisticated and grow dramatically in the 1950s under Rosenstiel’s “field
commander” (a nickname given by Rosenstiel to an individual to be named shortly
in this report). Many of the people connected to Rosenstiel’s “field commander”
during the 70s and 80s have again found their names in the press following the
recent arrest of Jeffrey Epstein.
The “Untouchable” Mobster
Bronfman and
Rosenstiel became legendary in the North American liquor business, in part due
to their fight for supremacy in the industry, which the New York Times described as
often erupting “into bitter personal and corporate battles.” Despite their
dueling in the corporate world, the one thing that united the two businessmen
more than anything else was their close connection to American organized crime,
particularly renowned mobster Meyer Lansky.
Lansky is one of
the most notorious gangsters in the history of American organized crime and is
notable for being the only famous mobster rising to notoriety in the 1920s who
managed to die an old man and never serve a day in jail.
Lansky’s long
life and ability to avoid prison time was largely the result of his close
relationships to powerful businessmen like Bronfman and Rosenstiel (among many
others), the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the U.S. intelligence
community, as well as his role in establishing several blackmail and extortion
rings that helped him keep the law at arm’s length. Indeed, when Lansky was
finally charged with a crime in the 1970s, it was the Internal Revenue Service
that brought the charges, not the FBI, and he was charged with and acquitted of
tax evasion.
Lansky was
remarkably close to both Bronfman and Rosenstiel. Bronfman regularly threw “lavish dinner parties” in
Lansky’s honor both during and after Prohibition. These parties were remembered
fondly by Lansky’s wife, and Lansky in turn did favors for Bronfman, ranging
from exclusive protection of his shipments during Prohibition to getting him
tickets to coveted “fight of the century” boxing matches.
Rosenstiel also
threw regular dinner parties honoring Lansky. Susan Kaufman, Rosenstiel’s
ex-wife, claimed to have taken numerous pictures of her ex-husband and Lansky
socializing and partying together, photos that were also seen by Mary Nichols of The
Philadelphia Inquirer. In addition, Lansky, per Kaufman’s recollection, was
one of the individuals that Rosenstiel sought to protect from legal scrutiny as
part of his child prostitution and blackmail ring targeting high-ranking
officials, and he was overheard saying that if the government
“ever brings pressure against Lansky or any of us, we’ll use this [a specific
recording taken at one of the ‘parties’] as blackmail.”
Lansky was known to address Rosenstiel as “Supreme
Commander,” a title that would later be used to refer to Rosenstiel by
another individual deeply connected to the mob and sexual blackmail operations,
previously referred to in this report as Rosenstiel’s “Field Commander.”
Lansky also had close ties to the CIA
and U.S. military intelligence. During World War II, Lansky — along with his
associate Benjamin “Bugsy” Siegel — worked with Naval intelligence in what was
codenamed “Operation Underworld,” an operation the
existence of which the government denied for over 40 years.
Journalist and
noted chronicler of CIA covert activities, Douglas Valentine, noted in his book
The CIA as Organized Crime: How Illegal Operations
Corrupt America and the World that the government’s cooperation
with the Mafia during World War II led to its expansion after the war and set
the stage for its future collaboration with U.S. intelligence.
According to
Valentine:
Top government
officials were also aware that the government’s Faustian pact with the Mafia
during World War II had allowed the hoods to insinuate themselves into
mainstream America. In return for services rendered during the war, Mafia
bosses were protected from prosecution for dozens of unsolved murders. […]
The Mafia was a
huge problem in 1951 [when the Kefauver Committee was convened],
equivalent to terrorism today. But it was also a protected branch of the CIA,
which was co-opting criminal organizations around the world and using them in
its secret war against the Soviets and Red Chinese. The Mafia had collaborated
with Uncle Sam and had emerged from World War II energized and empowered. They
controlled cities across the country.”
Indeed, not long
after its creation, the CIA forged ties with Lansky at the behest of CIA counterintelligence
chief James J. Angleton. The CIA
would later turn to the Lansky-linked mob in the early
1960s as part of its consistently fruitless quest to assassinate Cuban leader
Fidel Castro, showing that the CIA maintained its contacts with
Lansky-controlled elements of the Mafia long after the initial meeting with
Lansky took place.
The CIA also had close connections to associates of Lansky,
such as Edward Moss, who did public relations work for Lansky and was said to
be of “interest” to the CIA by the agency’s then-inspector general J.S. Earman.
Harry “Happy” Meltzer was also another Lansky associate that was a CIA asset
and the CIA asked Meltzer to join an assassination team in December 1960.
In addition to
the CIA, Lansky was also connected to a foreign intelligence agency through
Tibor Rosenbaum, an arms procurer and high-ranking official in Israel’s Mossad,
whose bank – the International Credit Bank of Geneva – laundered much of Lansky’s ill-gotten gains
and recycled them into legitimate American businesses.
Lansky outside
the High Court of Israel where he sought permission to emigrate in 1972. Photo
| AP
Journalist Ed
Reid, author of the Virginia Hill biography The
Mistress and the Mafia, wrote that Lansky was attempting to entrap
powerful people through sexual blackmail as far back as 1939. Reid contends
that Lansky sent Ms. Hill to Mexico, where his West Coast connections had
established a drug ring that later involved the OSS, the forerunner to the CIA,
to seduce numerous “top politicians, army officers, diplomats and police
officials.”
Eventually,
Lansky was credited with obtaining compromising photos of FBI Director J. Edgar
Hoover sometime in the 1940s, which showed “Hoover in a gay situation”,
according to a former Lansky associate, who also said
that Lansky had often claimed, “I fixed that sonofabitch.” The photos showed Hoover engaged in sexual activity
with his long-time friend, FBI Deputy Director Clyde Tolson.
At some point,
these photos fell into the hands of CIA counterintelligence chief James J.
Angleton, who later showed the photos to several other
CIA officials, including John Weitz and Gordon Novel. Angleton was in charge of
the CIA’s relationship with the FBI and Israel’s Mossad until he left the
agency in 1972 and, as was recently mentioned, he was also in contact with
Lansky.
Anthony Summers,
former BBC journalist and author of Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar
Hoover, has argued that it was not Lansky, but William Donovan,
the director of the OSS, who obtained the original photos of Hoover and later
shared them with Lansky.
Summers also stated that “To [gangster Frank]
Costello and Lansky, the ability to corrupt politicians, policemen and judges
was fundamental to Mafia operations. The way they found to deal with Hoover,
according to several mob sources, involved his homosexuality.” This anecdote
shows that Lanksy and the CIA maintained a covert relationship, which included,
among other things, the sharing of blackmail material (i.e.,
“intelligence”).
It is also
possible that Hoover was ensnared by the mob during one of Rosenstiel’s
“blackmail parties,” at which Hoover sometimes found himself in attendance with
prominent figures of the Mafia. Hoover was said to have worn women’s clothing
at the some of the events and Meyer Lansky’s wife later said that her husband had photos of
the former FBI director in drag. Furthermore, Hoover is on record showing an unusual concern in the
FBI’s handling of Rosenstiel’s criminal links as early as 1939, the same year
that his close associate Lansky was actively orchestrating the sexual blackmail
of powerful political figures.
The blackmail
acquired on Hoover and the mob’s possession of the evidence has been cited as a major factor in
Hoover’s decades-long denial that nationwide networks of organized crime were a
serious issue. Hoover asserted that it was a decentralized, local issue and
therefore outside of the bureau’s jurisdiction. By the time Hoover finally
acknowledged the existence of national organized crime networks in 1963, they
were so entrenched in the U.S. establishment that they were untouchable.
Congressional
crime consultant Ralph Salerno told Summers in 1993 that Hoover’s willful
ignorance of organized crime for most of his career as FBI director “allowed
organized crime to grow very strong in economic and political terms, so that it
became a much bigger threat to the wellbeing of this country than it would have
been if it had been addressed much sooner.”
J.
Edgar Hoover: Blackmail Victim?
Most records
place the beginning of Hoover’s relationship with Rosenstiel in the 1950s, the
same decade when Susan Kaufman reported that Hoover was attending Rosenstiel’s
blackmail parties. Rosenstiel’s FBI file, obtained by Anthony Summers, cites the
first Rosenstiel meeting as taking place in 1956, though Summers notes that
there is evidence that they had met much earlier. After requesting the meeting,
Rosenstiel was granted a personal face-to-face with the director in a matter of
hours. The FBI file on Rosenstiel also reveals that the liquor baron heavily
lobbied Hoover to aid his business interests.
During that time,
the salacious details of Hoover’s sex life were already known to the U.S.
intelligence community and to the mob, and Hoover was aware that they knew of
his closeted sexuality and penchant for women’s clothing. Yet, Hoover
apparently seemed to embrace the very type of sexual blackmail operation that
had compromised his private life, given that he was seen at many of
Rosenstiel’s “blackmail parties” in the 1950s and 1960s, including at venues
such as Rosenstiel’s personal home and later at Manhattan’s Plaza Hotel. Hoover’s
penchant for dressing in drag was also described by two witnesses who were
not connected to Susan Kaufman.
Hoover with
Dorothy Lamour on the set of The Greatest Show on Earth in 1951
Soon after their
first “official” meeting, the public relationship between the two men quickly
flourished, with Hoover even sending Rosenstiel flowers when he fell ill.
Summers reported that, in 1957, Rosenstiel was
heard telling Hoover during a meeting, “your wish is my command.” Their
relationship remained close and intimate throughout the 1960s and beyond.
Like Rosenstiel,
Hoover was well-known for amassing blackmail on friend
and foe alike. Hoover’s office contained “secret files” on numerous powerful
people in Washington and beyond, files he used to gain favors and protect his
status as FBI director for as long as he wished.
Hoover’s own
propensity for blackmail suggests that he may have associated with Rosenstiel’s
sexual blackmail operation more directly, given he already knew he was
compromised and his involvement in the operation would have served as a means
of procuring the blackmail he coveted for his own purposes. Indeed, if Hoover
was merely being blackmailed and extorted by the Lansky-Rosenstiel connected
mob, it is unlikely that he would have been so friendly to Rosenstiel, Lansky
and the other mobsters at these gatherings and participated in them with such
regularity.
According to
journalist and author Burton Hersh, Hoover was also tied to Sherman Kaminsky,
who ran a sexual blackmail operation in New York involving young male
prostitutes. That operation was busted and investigated in a 1966 extortion
probe led by Manhattan District Attorney Frank Hogan, though the FBI quickly
took over the investigation and photos of Hoover and Kaminsky together soon
disappeared from the case file.
Hoover and
Rosenstiel’s deep ties would continue to develop over the years, an example of
which can be seen in Rosenstiel’s hiring of long-time Hoover aide Louis Nichols
as the vice president of his Schenley liquor empire and Rosenstiel’s donation of over $1 million to the J. Edgar
Hoover Foundation, which Nichols also ran at the time.
There is also
more than one documented occasion wherein Hoover attempted to use blackmail to
protect Rosenstiel and his “field commander,” none other than the infamous Roy
Cohn, the other key figure in Rosenstiel’s sexual blackmail operation involving
minors.
The Making of a Monster
Decades after his
death, Roy Cohn remains a controversial figure in large part because of his close, personal relationship with current
U.S. President Donald Trump. Yet reports on Cohn, both in recent and in past
years, often miss the mark in their characterization of the man who became
closely associated with the Reagan White House, the CIA, the FBI, organized
crime and, incidentally, many of the figures who would later surround Jeffrey
Epstein.
To understand the
true nature of the man, it is essential to examine his rise to power in the
early 1950s when, at just 23 years of age, he became a key figure in the
high-profile trial of Soviet spies Ethel and Julius Rosenberg and later as the
right-hand man of Senator Joseph McCarthy (R-WI).
Cohn’s dedication
to anti-communist activities in the 1950s is allegedly what first endeared him
to J. Edgar Hoover, whom he first met in 1952. During that meeting, as
described by Hersh in Bobby and J. Edgar: The Historic Face-Off Between the
Kennedys and J. Edgar Hoover That Transformed America, Hoover
expressed admiration for Cohn’s aggressive and manipulative tactics and told
Cohn to “call me directly” whenever he had information worth sharing. From that
point on, Cohn and Hoover “traded favors, effusive compliments, gifts and
elaborate private dinners. It quickly became ‘Roy’ and ‘Edgar.’” Hersh also
describes Hoover as Cohn’s soon to be “consigliere.”
The date and
circumstances around Cohn’s introduction to Rosenstiel are harder to come by.
It is possible that the connection was made through Roy Cohn’s father, Albert
Cohn, a prominent judge and an influential figure in the New York City
Democratic Party apparatus then run by Edward Flynn. It was later
revealed that the Democratic organization dominated by Flynn and
based in the Bronx had long-standing connections to organized crime, including
associates of Meyer Lansky.
Regardless of how
or when it began, the relationship between Cohn and Rosenstiel was close and
was often likened to that of a father and son.
They were said to frequently salute each other in public and remained close
until Rosenstiel was near death, at which point Cohn attempted to trick his then-barely
conscious and senile “friend” and client into naming him the executor and
trustee of the liquor magnate’s estate, valued at $75 million (more than $334
million in today’s dollars).
LIFE magazine
reported in 1969 that Cohn and Rosenstiel had for years referred to
one another as “Field Commander” and “Supreme Commander,” respectively. Media
references to these nicknames appear in other articles from the period.
Though LIFE
and other outlets had interpreted this as merely an anecdote about the
nicknames shared in jest between close friends, the fact that notorious crime
lord Meyer Lansky also called Rosenstiel “Supreme Commander”
and the fact that Cohn and Rosenstiel would later become intimately involved in
the same pedophile sex ring suggests that there may have been more to these
“nicknames.” After all, the mob to which Rosenstiel was connected often used
military-themed titles like “soldier” and “lieutenant” to differentiate the
rank and importance of its members.
Once he had made
his connection with Hoover, Cohn’s star began to rise even higher in
Washington. Hoover’s recommendation of Cohn would become the deciding factor in
his appointment as Sen. McCarthy’s general counsel over Robert Kennedy, a rival
and bitter enemy of Cohn’s.
McCarthy covers
the mic while having a whispered discussion with Cohn during a 1954 committee
hearing. Photo | AP
Though Cohn was ruthless
and seemingly untouchable as McCarthy’s counsel and helped the senator destroy
many careers during both the red and lavender scares, his antics in relation to
his work on the committee would eventually lead to his downfall after he attempted to
blackmail the Army in return for preferential treatment for committee
consultant and Cohn’s rumored lover, David Schine.
After he was
forced to leave McCarthy’s side due to the scandal, Cohn returned to New York
to live with his mother and practice law. A few years later New York Judge
David Peck, a long-time associate of former CIA Director
Alan Dulles, orchestrated Cohn’s hire to the New York
law firm Saxe, Bacon and O’Shea — which would later become Saxe, Bacon and
Bolan after Tom Bolan, a friend of Cohn’s, became a partner in the firm. Upon
his hire, Cohn brought the firm a slew of Mafia-linked clients, including
high-ranking members of the Gambino crime family, the Genovese crime family
and, of course, Lewis Rosenstiel.
What
happened in Suite 233?
The connections
Roy Cohn built during the 1950s made him a well-known public figure and
translated into great political influence that peaked during the presidency of
Ronald Reagan. Yet, as Cohn built his public image, he was also developing a
dark private life, which would come to be dominated by the same blackmail
pedophile racket that appears to have first begun with Lewis Rosenstiel.
One of the
“blackmail parties” Susan Kaufman attended with her then-husband Lewis
Rosenstiel was hosted by Cohn in 1958 at Manhattan’s Plaza Hotel, suite 233.
Kaufman described Cohn’s suite as a “beautiful
suite…all done in light blue.” She described being introduced to Hoover, who
was in drag, by Cohn, who told her that Hoover’s name was “Mary” in a fit of
barely concealed laughter. Kaufman testified that young boys were present and
Kaufman claimed that Cohn, Hoover and her ex-husband engaged in sexual activity
with these minors.
New York attorney
John Klotz, tasked with investigating Cohn for a case well after Kaufman’s
testimony, also found evidence of the “blue suite” at the Plaza Hotel and its
role in a sex extortion ring after combing through local government documents
and information gathered by private detectives. Klotz later told journalist and author Burton
Hersh what he had learned:
Roy Cohn was
providing protection. There were a bunch of pedophiles involved. That’s where
Cohn got his power from — blackmail.”
Perhaps the most
damning confirmation of Cohn’s activities in Suite 233 comes from statements
made by Cohn himself to former NYPD detective and ex-head of the department’s
Human-Trafficking and Vice-Related Crimes Division, James Rothstein. Rothstein
later told John DeCamp — a former Nebraska state senator who investigated a
government-connected child sex ring based in Omaha — among other investigators,
that Cohn had admitted to being part of a sexual
blackmail operation targeting politicians with child prostitutes during a
sit-down interview with the former detective.
Cohn’s job was to
run the little boys. Say you had an admiral, a general, a congressman, who did
not want to go along with the program. Cohn’s job was to set them up, then they
would go along. Cohn told me that himself.”
Rothstein later
told Paul David Collins, a former journalist turned researcher, that Cohn had also identified this sexual blackmail
operation as being part of the anti-communist crusade of the time.
The fact that
Cohn, per Rothstein’s recollection, stated that the child sex blackmail ring
was part of the government-sponsored anti-communist crusade suggests that
elements of the government, including Hoover’s FBI, may have been connected at
a much broader level than Hoover’s own personal involvement, as the FBI closely
coordinated with McCarthy and Cohn for much of the red scare.
It is also worth
noting that among Hoover’s many “secret” blackmail files was a sizeable dossier
on Senator McCarthy, the contents of which strongly suggested that the senator
himself was involved with underage girls. According to journalist and author David Talbot,
Hoover’s file on McCarthy was “filled with disturbing stories about McCarthy’s
habit of drunkenly groping young girls’ breasts and buttocks. The stories were
so widespread that they became ‘common knowledge’ in the capital, according to
one FBI chronicler.”
Talbot, in his
book The Devil’s Chessboard, also cites
Walter Trohan, Washington Bureau Chief of the Chicago Tribune, as having
personally witnessed McCarthy’s habit of molesting young women. “He just
couldn’t keep his hands off young girls,” Trohan would later say. “Why the
Communist opposition didn’t plant a minor on him and raise the cry of statutory
rape, I don’t know.” Perhaps the answer lies in the fact that those “planting”
minors on their political foes were McCarthy’s allies and close associates, not
his enemies.
The question that
necessarily arises from revelations regarding Cohn’s activities in Suite 233 is
who else was Cohn “protecting” and servicing with underage prostitutes? One of
them could very well have been one of Cohn’s close friends and clients, Cardinal Francis
Spellman of the Archdiocese of New York, who was said to have been present at
some of these parties Cohn hosted at the Plaza Hotel.
Spellman — one of
the most powerful figures in the Catholic Church in North America, who was
sometimes referred to as “America’s Pope” — was accused of not only condoning pedophilia in the Catholic church
and ordaining known pedophiles including
Cardinal Theodore “Uncle Teddy” McCarrick, but also engaging in it himself to
such an extent that many New York area priests widely referred to him as “Mary.” Furthermore, J.
Edgar Hoover was said to have a file detailing the cardinal’s sex
life, suggesting Spellman’s involvement in the ring and pedophile protection
racket in which Cohn and Hoover were personally involved.
Cardinal Francis
‘Franny’ Spellman. Photo | Museum of the City of New York
People close to
Cohn often remarked that he was frequently surrounded by groups of young boys,
but seemed to think nothing of it. Similar off-handed comments about Epstein’s
penchant for minors were made by those close to him prior to his arrest.
Controversial
Republican political operative and “dirty trickster” Roger Stone — who, like
Donald Trump, was also a protégé of Cohn — said the
following about Cohn’s sex life during an interview with The New Yorker in
2008:
Roy was not gay.
He was a man who liked having sex with men. Gays were weak, effeminate. He
always seemed to have these young blond boys around. It just wasn’t
discussed. He was interested in power and access.” (emphasis added)
Compare this
quote from Stone to what Donald Trump, who was also close to Cohn, would
later say about Jeffrey Epstein, with whom he was also closely
associated:
I’ve known Jeff
for 15 years. Terrific guy. He’s a lot of fun to be with. It is even said that
he likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are on the
younger side. No doubt about it — Jeffrey enjoys his social life.”
(emphasis added)
Though it is
unknown how long the sex ring at the Plaza Hotel continued, and whether it
continued after Cohn’s death from AIDS in 1986, it is worth noting that Donald
Trump purchased the Plaza Hotel in 1988. It would
later be reported and confirmed by then-attendees that Trump
“used to host parties in suites at the Plaza Hotel when he owned it, where
young women and girls were introduced to older, richer men” and “illegal drugs
and young women were passed around and used.”
Andy Lucchesi, a
male model who had helped organize some of these Plaza
Hotel parties for Trump, said the following when asked about the age of the
women present: “A lot of girls, 14, look 24. That’s as juicy as I can get. I
never asked how old they were; I just partook. I did partake in activities that
would be controversial, too.”
The Roy Cohn Machine
Roy Cohn was only
at the beginning of his career when he waded his way into the underground
sexual blackmail ring apparently led by Lewis Rosenstiel. Indeed, when Cohn
first met Hoover, he was only 23 years old. Over the next three decades or so,
before his death from AIDS-related complications in 1986 at the age of 56, Cohn
built a well-oiled machine, largely through his close friendships with some of
the country’s most influential figures.
Among Cohn’s
friends were top media personalities like Barbara Walters, former CIA directors, Ronald Reagan and wife Nancy, media moguls Rupert Murdoch and Mort Zuckerman, numerous celebrities, prominent lawyers like Alan Dershowitz, top figures in the
Catholic Church and leading Jewish organizations like B’nai B’rith and the World Jewish Congress.
Many of the same names that surrounded Cohn until death in the late 1980s would
later come to surround Jeffrey Epstein, with their names later appearing in
Epstein’s now-infamous “little black book”.
Reagan meets with
Rupert Murdoch, U.S. Information Agency Director Charles Wick, and Roy Cohn in
the Oval Office in 1983. Photo | Reagan presidential library
While President Trump is clearly connected to both Epstein
and Cohn, Cohn’s network also extends to former President Bill Clinton, whose friend and longtime
political advisor, Richard “Dirty Dick” Morris, was Cohn’s cousin and close associate. Morris
was also close to Clinton’s former communications director, George Stephanopoulos, who is also associated with Jeffrey Epstein.
Yet, these were
only Cohn’s connections to respectable members of the establishment. He was
also known for his deep connections to the mob and gained prominence largely
for his ability to connect key figures in the criminal underworld to respected
influential figures acceptable to the public sphere. Ultimately, as New York
attorney John Klotz stated, Cohn’s most powerful tool was blackmail, which he
used against friend and foe, gangster or public official alike. How much of
that blackmail he acquired through his sexual blackmail operation will likely
never be known.
Cohn and Epstein, and the sexual blackmail
operations they ran share many things in common, including not only many of the
same famous friends and patrons, but also connections to intelligence agencies
and consortiums of mob-linked businessmen, the modern-day equivalents of Samuel
Bronfman and Lewis Rosenstiel who have since rebranded as
“philanthropists.”
Cohn’s operation
was known to have successors, as revealed by a series of scandals in the early
1990s that have since been swept under the rug. The significant amount of
overlap between Epstein’s and Cohn’s covert activities in sexual blackmail and
their ties to many of the same powerful individuals and circles of influence
strongly suggest that Epstein was one of
Cohn’s successors.
Epstein is only
the latest incarnation of a much older, more extensive and sophisticated
operation that offers a frightening window into how deeply tied the U.S.
government is to the modern-day equivalents of organized crime, making it a racket
truly too big to fail.
For all the
reasons covered in this report, it is obvious that Epstein, while becoming a notorious
figure among alternative news outlets and the increasing awareness of the
issues of child trafficking and sexual exploitation, including murder, on the
part of the general public, something needed to be done to put this to bed and
out of the public eye. He was arrested
and confined to a city jail cell. A
narrative was contrived and enacted. He
became desperate and suicidal. In spite
of the impossibility, he managed to kill himself. A dead man was removed from the jail cell who
bore no resemblance to Epstein.
Everything about the whole narrative stinks to high heaven and is an
obvious contrivance to fool the ignorant and remove the issue from the public
spectacle. There can be no doubt that he
is alive and well, living in Israel under a new identity. Soon, all will be forgotten….with a sigh of
relief.
Nothing will
change.
And now, Gordon Duff weighs in on the
matter
Guys who thump their chests and brag a little too loudly about
their (hetero) sexual conquests, obviously overdoing it, may be suspected of
hiding something…from us, or from themselves, or both. As Shakespeare said in
another context, “the lady doth protest too much.”
Are those two notorious over-the-top sexaholic maniacs, Jeffrey Epstein and Donald Trump, really closeted gays? That’s the suggestion from today’s False Flag Weekly News guest commentator, VT Senior Editor Gordon Duff, who says Trump was “made” by notorious gay pedophile Roy Cohn, in the same fashion that Epstein was “made” by notorious gay billionaire Mossadnik Les Wexner. Could the stories of Trump’s pawings and gropings and sexual assaults, like the stories of Epstein’s supposed minimum requirement of three schoolgirls a day, be part of a cover-and-deception operation hiding the existence of the kind of gay mafia Oliver Stone depicted in JFK? And might that gay mafia be working for Mossad?
Gordon also offers other
intel-insider-perspectives on the Epstein scandal, including: How a Mossad
“mechanic” might have quickly murdered Epstein in such a way as to leave the
broken neck bones found by the autopsy; how intelligence insiders can easily
enter even the most secure US prisons to kill inmates pretty much whenever they
want to; how the Mossad, which has tremendous power in NYC, could have
exfiltrated Epstein and sent him to Israel (in which case the body with the
broken neck would be somebody else); how Barr is protecting Ghislaine Maxwell,
who may or may not be in a certain
New England mansion; how Richard Nixon really did state that LBJ killed
JFK (sorry David Frum);
and more.
Now, the autopsy fix is in
“Magic-Bullet” Michael Baden to Lead
Epstein Autopsy-What Could Go Wrong?
Submitted by Dave Hodges on
Wednesday, August 14, 2019 – 18:30.
Pathologist Michael Baden,
served as chairman of the House Select Committee on Assassinations’ Forensic
Pathology Panel that investigated the assassination of John F. Kennedy. This
should immediately disqualify him to ever do an autopsy again. But against all
truth and honesty, Baden is set to conduct the autopsy on Jeffrey Epstein.
As chairman of the
investigation into the JFK assassination, Baden bolstered the official story that Kennedy was
killed by a single bullet, also known as the “magic bullet” theory.. This is
the theory that states that one bullet passed through JFK changed directions 4
times, changed angles 5 times, shattered 4 inches of Gov Connelly’s fifth rib,
exited the rib cage and shattered the Governor’s radius bone and embedded in
his thigh. Then the bullet fell out of Connelly’s leg on a stretcher at
Parkland Hospital and it appeared as a pristine, never fired bullet. Never
before in the history of gun shots has such a bullet ever existed. Yet, Baden
endorses every word of this fiction and more. There are so many parallels
between the cover ups of the JFK assassination and so-called (fake)
suicide of Epstein, that it is frightening. Here is an analysis of this old
cover story resurrected to sell the fake narrative that Epstein committed
suicide while on suicide watch.
The man charged with the
collecting, organizing and preserving of the photographic evidence, Lt. William
Pitzer, was assassinated. He had privately told colleagues a few weeks before
his assassination, that he would be going on the Tonight Show to tell about the
evidence that was suppressed, and that JFK was not shot in the head from behind
as the autopsy falsely stated by BADEN AND THE WARREN COMMISSION. Pitzer was
left-handed. Yet, he shot himself with his right hand. His wedding ring finger
was mangled in his “suicide” such that the forensic pathologists had to cut his
ring finger off. Baden never questioned this.
There is more that cast a
serious shadow over the JFK assassination from the Baden perspective:
The two appointed
physicians that conducted the autopsy had never done a gun shot autopsy before,
but Baden was OK with this. And when the autopsy (ie the fix was in) was
complete, the original notes were burned. And as I pointed out, photographs
went missing. Baden was OK with this.
Let’s do some math and
some connecting of the dots. Baden is now 85 years old. The assassination was
56 years ago. Do the math. HMMMM The autopsy doctors had no experience.
And the records keeper was assassinated in a fake suicide just like we have
with Epstein. But wait, there is more.
There was a man, Cyril
Wecht, who served on a board with Baden who testified several times in front of
Congress and the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Wecht
says the autopsy and the subsequent investigation was a fraud and a coverup
With JFK the Fix Was In
and With Epstein the Fix Will Be In
Cyril Wecht served on
the Board, with Baden when he investigated the JFK murder. The following is an
excerpt of an interview with Wecht as he exposes the fraud and cover up of the
assassination.
Wecht closed his eyes and
folded his hands on his desk. A study in concentration, he began speaking in
measured tones about the JFK assassination and the Warren Report. But, soon,
his passion, his incredulity, took over. His timbre rose. He stood and used his
body as a model to show the location of Kennedy’s and Connally’s wounds. He
laughed heartily at what he considers the incompetence of the commission’s
findings, particularly Specter’s single-bullet theory.
Wecht didn’t need to look
up anything. With dizzying dispatch, he rattled off the frames per second of
the Zapruder film (18), the time it would have taken Oswald to fire, reload and
fire again (2.5 seconds), the time between Kennedy and Connally reacting to
their wounds (1.5 seconds), and the weight of the so-called “magic
bullet” the commission said struck both men (158.6 grains). All showed the
single-bullet theory to be what he has categorized as “scientifically
absurd.”
He repeated his
oft-repeated challenge for any forensic pathologist to produce a bullet that
had done what the nearly pristine magic bullet is purported to have done. He
first threw down that gauntlet in the late 1970s when, unlike him, the eight
other members of the pathology panel of the House Select Committee on
Assassinations accepted the single-bullet theory.
“Get me one bullet in
one case, just one from hundreds of thousands of cases … that has done this.
Nobody has ever produced one,” he said.
There’s little limit to
his frustration at how the case was handled. As he has since February 1965,
when he presented a paper before the American Academy of Forensic Scientists,
Wecht blasted the decision that let Kennedy’s autopsy be performed by two
doctors who had never done a gunshot wound autopsy. “Forensic science was
… thwarted, stymied, perverted, ignored,” he said.
JFK’s brain went missing
because the desired conclusion did not match forensic evidence provided for by
the brain, so the brain had go missing and that was obviously OK with
“magic bullet, missing brain” Baden.
AND NOW THIS
TOOL OF THE GLOBALISTS, MICHAEL BADEN, THIS STOOGE WHO WHITEWASHED THE MLK
INVESTIGATION AS WELL, IS BEING BROUGHT BACK, LIKE AN OLD RELIEF PITCHER TO
CLOSE THE DEAL. AND TO ADD INSULT TO INJURY, ATTORNEY GENERAL BARR IS
WHITEWASHING ALL THE OBVIOUS GAFFS ON THE PART OF PLAYERS WITHIN THE JAIL SET
UP.
EPSTEIN WOULD HAVE HAD
SEVERAL UNTRACEABLE ‘DEAD MAN SWITCHES’ THAT WOULD HAVE TRIGGERED A MASSIVE DOCUMENT
DUMP NAMING ELITE’S COMPLICIT IN THE SCAM THAT NOW REACHES ALL THE WAY TO THE
ATTORNEY GENERAL AND THE OVAL OFFICE.
And as Steve
Quayle likes to say, “When you are taking flak, you know you are over the
target”.
So, the coroner says it’s a suicide. So what? It does not matter what the lying bastards say. It’s ‘case closed’ as far as the naïve public is concerned. Nothing more to see here. If you think they have whisked Epstein away into the ‘witness protection program’, to trot him out later when they are ready to take down all the dirty evil creeps, dream on. It is the dirty evil creeps that are running the show, and they are not going to prosecute themselves.
A deep-seated culture of moral depravity, wide-spread evil and power mongering at the highest levels of the world governmental power structure is disclosed by a careful investigation into the Epstein affair. While Epstein is just a pawn, the system of corruption he worked for is old and powerful and its members include most of the powerful and rich families on the world stage.
As supposed questionable billionaire, certain pedophile, and sex-trafficker, Jeffrey Epstein was sitting in prison, reports continued to surface about his reported links to intelligence, his financial ties to several companies and “charitable” foundations, and his friendships with the rich and powerful as well as top politicians. Like most of these visible front-man figures, the apparent wealth is just a part of the tapestry that comes with the the job. It is essential to appear fabulously successful when you are the high profile figure who is luring rich and powerful figures into the honey pot. I think the apparent wealth of Epstein is safely in the bank account of the Mossad.
The Jeffrey Epstein Scandal: Too Big To Fail
Washington lobbyist, Craig Spence stated that his contacts within the White House, which allowed him and his “call boys” access, were “top level” officials and he specifically singled out George H.W. Bush’s then-National Security Advisor Donald Gregg. Gregg had worked at the CIA since 1951 before he resigned in 1982 to become National Security Advisor to Bush, who was then vice president. Prior to resigning from his post at the CIA, Gregg had worked directly under William Casey and, in the late 1970s, along side young William Barr in stonewalling the congressional Pike Committee and Church Committee, which investigated the CIA beginning in 1975. Among the things that they were tasked with investigating were the CIA’s “love traps,” or sexual blackmail operations used to lure foreign diplomats to bugged apartments, complete with recording equipment and two-way mirrors.
Barr would later become Bush’s Attorney General, rising to that post yet again under Trump. Furthermore, Barr’s father worked for the precursor to the CIA, the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) and recruited a young Jeffrey Epstein, then a high school drop-out, to teach at the elite Dalton School, from which Epstein was later fired. A year prior to hiring Epstein, Donald Gregg published a science fiction fantasy novel about sex slavery. Notably, the same year William Barr hired Epstein, his son was working for the CIA. Bill Barr has refused calls to recuse himself from the Epstein case, even though he worked at the same law firm that has represented Epstein in the past.
Donald Gregg is also connected to Roy Cohn’s “influence machine” through his daughter’s marriage
to Christopher Buckley, the son of conservative journalist William Buckley,
close confidant and friend of both Roy Cohn and Cohn’s law partner Tom Bolan.
While, “The Jeffrey Epstein Scandal:
Too Big to Fail,” has focused on the widespread nature of sexual blackmail operations
in recent American history and their ties to the heights of American political
power and the U.S. intelligence community, one key aspect of Epstein’s own
sex-trafficking and blackmail operation that warrants examination is Epstein’s
ties to Israeli intelligence and his ties to the “informal” pro-Israel
philanthropist faction known as “the Mega Group.”
The Mega Group’s role in the Epstein case has garnered some attention, as Epstein’s main financial patron for decades, billionaire Leslie Wexner, was a co-founder of the group that unites several well-known businessmen with a penchant for pro-Israel and ethno-philanthropy (i.e., philanthropy benefiting a single ethnic or ethno-religious group). However, as this report will show, another uniting factor among Mega Group members is deep ties to organized crime, specifically the organized crime network led by notorious American mobster Meyer Lansky.
By virtue of the role of many Mega
Group members as major political donors in both the U.S. and Israel, several of
its most notable members have close ties to the governments of both countries
as well as their intelligence communities. As this report and a subsequent
report will show, the Mega Group also had close ties to two businessmen who
worked for Israel’s Mossad — Robert Maxwell and Marc Rich — as well as to top
Israeli politicians, including past and present prime ministers with deep ties
to Israel’s intelligence community.
One of those businessmen working for
the Mossad, Robert Maxwell, will be discussed at length in this report.
Maxwell, who was a business partner of Mega Group co-founder Charles Bronfman,
aided the successful Mossad plot to plant a trapdoor in U.S.-created software
that was then sold to governments and companies throughout the world. That
plot’s success was largely due to the role of a close associate of then-President
Ronald Reagan and an American politician close to Maxwell, who later helped aid
Reagan in the cover-up of the Iran Contra scandal.
Years later, Maxwell’s daughter —
Ghislaine Maxwell — would join Jeffrey Epstein’s “inner circle” at the same time
Epstein was bankrolling a similar software program now being marketed for
critical electronic infrastructure in the U.S. and abroad. That company has
deep and troubling connections to Israeli military intelligence, associates of
the Trump administration, and the Mega Group.
Epstein appears to have ties to
Israeli intelligence and has well-documented ties to influential Israeli
politicians and the Mega Group. Yet, those entities are not isolated in and of
themselves, as many also connect to the organized crime network and powerful
alleged pedophiles.
Perhaps the best illustration of how
the connections between many of these players often meld together can be seen
in Ronald Lauder: a Mega Group member, former member of the Reagan
administration, long-time donor to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
and Israel’s Likud Party, as well as a long-time friend of Donald Trump and Roy
Cohn.
From cosmetics heir to political
player
One often overlooked yet famous client
and friend of Roy Cohn is the billionaire heir to the Estee Lauder cosmetics
fortune, Ronald Lauder. Lauder is often described in the press as a “leading
Jewish philanthropist” and is the president of the World Jewish Congress, yet
his many media profiles tend to leave out his highly political past.
In a statement
given by Lauder to New York Times reporter Maggie Haberman in 2018, the
cosmetics heir noted that he has known Trump for over 50 years, going back at
least to the early 1970s. According to Lauder, his relationship with Trump
began when Trump was a student at the Wharton School at the University of
Pennsylvania, which Lauder also attended.
Though the exact nature of their early
friendship is unclear, it is evident that they shared many of the same
connections, including to the man who would later count them both as his
clients, Roy Cohn. While much has been said of the ties between Cohn and Trump,
Cohn was particularly close to Lauder’s mother, Estee Lauder (born Josephine
Mentzer). Estee was even counted among Cohn’s most high-profile friends in his New York Times obituary.
A small window into the Lauder-Cohn
relationship surfaced briefly in a 2016 article in Politico about a 1981 dinner party held at
Cohn’s weekend home in Greenwich, Connecticut. The party was attended by Ronald
Lauder’s parents, Estee and Joe, as well as Trump and his then-wife Ivana, who had a weekend home just two miles away. That party was held
soon after Cohn had helped Reagan secure the presidency and had reached the
height of his political influence. At the party, Cohn offered toasts to Reagan
and to then-Senator for New York Alfonse D’Amato, who would later urge Ronald Lauder to run for political office.
Two years later, in 1983, Ronald
Lauder — whose only professional experience at that point was working for his
parent’s cosmetics company — was appointed
to serve as United States Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for European
and NATO Affairs. Soon after his appointment, he served on the Dinner Tribute Committee for a dinner hosted by
the Jewish fraternal and strongly pro-Israel organization B’nai B’rith, the
parent organization of the controversial Anti-Defamation League (ADL), in Roy
Cohn’s honor. Cohn’s influential father, Albert Cohn, was the long-time president of B’nai B’rith’s powerful New
England-New York chapter and Roy Cohn himself was a member of B’nai B’rith’s
Banking and Finance Lodge.
The dinner specifically sought to honor Cohn for his pro-Israel advocacy
and his efforts to “fortify” Israel’s economy, and its honorary chairmen
included media mogul Rupert Murdoch, Donald Trump and then-head of Bear Stearns
Alan Greenberg, all of whom are connected to Jeffrey Epstein.
During his time as deputy assistant
secretary of defense, Lauder was also very active in Israeli politics and had
already become an ally of the then-Israeli representative to the United Nations
and future prime minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu. Lauder would go on to
be one of the most important individuals in Netanyahu’s rise to power,
particularly during his upset victory in 1996, and a major financier of Israel’s right-wing Likud Party.
In 1986, the year that Roy Cohn died,
Lauder left his post at the Pentagon and became the U.S. ambassador to Austria,
where his tenure was shaped by his confrontations with the then-Austrian president and former
Nazi collaborator, Kurt Waldheim. Lauder’s interest in Austrian politics has
continued well into recent years, culminating in accusations that he sought to manipulate Austrian elections in 2012.
After leaving his ambassadorship,
Lauder founded the Ronald S. Lauder Foundation in 1987 and later went
on to run for Mayor of New York against Rudy Giuliani in 1989. Lauder was encouraged to run by then-Senator Alfonse D’Amato, who had
close ties to Roy Cohn and his long-time law partner Tom Bolan, who was D’Amato’s adviser. At the aforementioned 1983 B’nai B’rith
dinner honoring Cohn, D’Amato was the featured speaker.
The likely reason was that Giuliani,
though once an ally of the “Roy Cohn machine,” was at the time deeply disliked by the late Cohn’s associates for prosecuting
Cohn’s former law partner, Stanley Friedman, for racketeering, conspiracy and
other charges. Giuliani also had a history of bitter disagreements with
D’Amato. Lauder’s primary campaign, though unsuccessful, was noted for its
viciousness and its cost, as it burned through more than $13 million.
A few years later, in the early 1990s,
Lauder would join a newly formed group that has long evaded scrutiny from the
media but has recently become of interest in connection with the Jeffrey
Epstein scandal: the Mega Group.
Lauder, Epstein and the mysterious Austrian
passport
Before getting to the Mega Group, it
is worth noting one particular act apparently undertaken by Lauder while he was
U.S. ambassador to Austria that has recently come to light in relation to the
arrest in early July of Jeffrey Epstein, a finding first reported by journalist
Edward Szall. When police recently discovered an Austrian passport with
Epstein’s picture and a fake name after raiding his Manhattan residence, the
source and purpose of the passport came under scrutiny.
According to the Associated
Press, Epstein’s defense lawyers specifically argued that “a friend
gave it to him [Epstein] in the 1980s after some Jewish-Americans were
informally advised to carry identification bearing a non-Jewish name when
traveling internationally during a period when hijackings were more common.”
This claim appears to be related to concerns that followed the hijacking of Air France Flight 139 in 1976 when Israeli and
Jewish hostages were separated from other hostages based largely on the
passports in their possession.
Given that Epstein was unable to meet
the conventional qualifications for an Austrian passport — including long-term
residency in Austria (the passport lists him as a resident of Saudi Arabia) and
fluency in German — it appears that the only way to have acquired an Austrian
passport was by unconventional means, meaning assistance from a well-connected
Austrian official or foreign diplomat with clout in Austria.
Lauder, then-ambassador to Austria for
the Reagan administration, would have been well-positioned to acquire such a
passport, particularly for the reason cited by Epstein’s attorneys that
Jewish-Americans could be targeted during travel, and in light of Lauder’s very
public concerns over threats Jews face from certain terror groups. Furthermore,
the passport had been issued in 1987, when Lauder was still serving as an
ambassador.
In addition, Lauder was well-connected to Epstein’s former patron — former head of
Bear Stearns Alan Greenberg, who had hired Epstein in the late 1970s
immediately after the latter was fired from the Dalton School — and Donald
Trump, another friend of Lauder and Greenberg who began his
friendship with Epstein in 1987, the same year the fake Austrian passport was
issued. In 1987, Epstein also began his relationship with his principal
financier, Leslie Wexner, who is also closely associated with Lauder (though
some sources claim that Epstein and Wexner first met in 1985 but that their
strong business relationship was not established until 1987).
Though Epstein’s defense attorney
declined to reveal the identity of the “friend” who provided him with the fake
Austrian passport, Lauder was both well-positioned to acquire it in Austria and
also deeply connected to the Mega Group, which was co-founded by Epstein’s
patron Leslie Wexner and to which Epstein has many connections. These
connections to both the Austrian government and to Epstein’s mentor make Lauder
the most likely person to have acquired the document on Epstein’s behalf.
Furthermore, Epstein and the Mega
Group’s ties to the Israeli intelligence agency, Mossad, also suggest Lauder
was involved in procuring the passport, in light of his close ties to the
Israeli government and the fact that Mossad has a history of using ambassadors abroad to procure false,
foreign passports for its operatives.
Lauder himself has been alleged to
have ties to Mossad, as he is a long-time funder of IDC Herzliya, an Israeli
university closely associated with Mossad and their recruiters as well as
Israeli military intelligence. Lauder even founded IDC Herzliya’s Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy
and Strategy.
Furthermore, Lauder co-founded the
Eastern European broadcasting network CETV with Mark Palmer, a former U.S.
diplomat, Kissinger aide and Reagan speechwriter. Palmer is better known for
co-founding the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), an organization often
described as an accessory to U.S. intelligence, and one whose first president
confessed to the Washington Post that “a lot of what we do today was done
covertly 25 years ago by the CIA.” A 2001 report in the Evening Standard noted
that Epstein once claimed that during the 1980s he worked for the CIA, but
Epstein later backed away from that assertion.
The origins of the Mega Group Mafia
The Mega Group — a secretive group of
billionaires to which Lauder belongs — was formed in 1991 by Charles Bronfman
and Leslie Wexner, the latter of whom has received considerable media scrutiny
following the July arrest of his former protégé, Jeffrey Epstein. Media
profiles of the group paint it as “a loosely organized club of 20 of
the nation’s wealthiest and most influential Jewish businessmen” focused on
“philanthropy and Jewishness,” with membership dues upwards of $30,000 per
year. Yet several of its most prominent members have ties to organized crime.
Mega Group members founded and/or are
closely associated with some of the most well-known pro-Israel organizations.
For instance, members Charles Bronfman and Michael Steinhardt formed
Birthright Taglit with the backing of then, and current Prime Minister,
Benjamin Netanyahu. Steinhardt, an atheist, has stated that his motivation in
helping to found the group was to advance his own belief that devotion to and faith in the state of
Israel should serve as “a substitute for [Jewish] theology.”
Other well-known groups associated
with the Mega Group include the World Jewish Congress — whose past president,
Edgar Bronfman, and current president, Ronald Lauder, are both Mega Group
members — and B’nai B’rith, particularly its spin-off known as the
Anti-Defamation League (ADL). The Bronfman brothers were major donors to the
ADL, with Edgar Bronfman serving as the ADL’s honorary national vice-chair for several
years.
When Edgar Bronfman died in 2013,
long-time ADL Director Abe Foxman said, “Edgar was for many years Chair of our Liquor
Industry Division, Chair of our New York Appeal, and one of our most
significant benefactors.” Other Mega Group members that are donors and major
supporters of the ADL include Ronald Lauder, Michael Steinhardt and the late Max Fisher. As previously mentioned, Roy Cohn’s father was a
long-time leader of B’nai B’rith’s influential New England-New York chapter and
Cohn was later a celebrated member of its banking and finance lodge.
In addition, Mega Group members have
also been key players in the pro-Israel lobby in the United States. For
instance, Max Fisher of the Mega Group founded the National Jewish Coalition, now known as the Republican
Jewish Coalition — the main pro-Israel neoconservative political lobbying group, known for
its support of hawkish policies, and whose current chief patrons, Sheldon
Adelson and Bernard Marcus, are among Donald Trump’s top donors.
Though the Mega Group has officially
existed only since 1991, the use of “philanthropy” to provide cover for more
unscrupulous lobbying or business activities was pioneered decades earlier by
Sam Bronfman, the father of Mega Group members Edgar and Charles Bronfman.
While other North American elites like J.D. Rockefeller had previously used
philanthropic giving as a means of laundering their reputations, Bronfman’s
approach to philanthropy was unique because it was focused on giving
specifically to other members of his own ethno-religious background.
Sam Bronfman had long-standing deep
ties to organized crime, specifically Meyer Lanksy’s organized crime syndicate.
Yet, Bronfman’s private ambition, according to those close to him, was to
become a respected member of high society. As a consequence, Bronfman worked
hard to remove the stain that his mob associations had left on his public
reputation in Canada and abroad. He accomplished this by becoming a leader in
Canada’s Zionist movement and, by the end of the 1930s, he was head of the Canadian Jewish Congress and had begun to make
a name for himself as a philanthropist for Jewish causes.
Yet even some of Bronfman’s activism
and philanthropy had hints of the mobster-like reputation he tried so hard to
shake. For instance, Bronfman was actively involved in the illegal shipping of
arms to Zionist paramilitaries in Palestine prior to 1948, specifically as a co-founder of the National Conference for Israeli and Jewish
Rehabilitation that smuggled weapons to the paramilitary group Haganah.
At the same time Bronfman was abetting
the illegal smuggling of weapons to the Haganah, his associates in the criminal
underworld were doing the same. After World War II, close aides of David
Ben-Gurion, who would later become the first prime minister of Israel and was
instrumental in the founding of Mossad, forged tight-knit relationships with Meyer Lansky, Benjamin
“Bugsy” Siegel, Mickey Cohen and other Jewish gangsters of the period. They
used their clandestine networks to establish a vast arms smuggling network
between the United States and Zionist settlements in Palestine, arming both the
Haganah and the Irgun paramilitary groups. At the same time these gangsters were aiding
the illegal arming of ZIonsit paramilitaries, they were strengthening their
ties to U.S. intelligence that had first been formally (though covertly)
established in World War II.
After Israel was founded, Sam Bronfman worked with
future Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres to negotiate the sale of Canadian
armaments at half-price to Israel and the bargain weapons purchase was paid for
entirely by a fundraising dinner hosted by Bronfman and his wife. Many years
later, Peres would go on to introduce another future prime minister of Israel, Ehud
Barak, to Jeffrey Epstein.
The rest of the Bronfman family’s
march on “the road to respectability” was undertaken by Bronfman’s children,
who married into aristocratic families such as the European Rothschilds and the Wall Street “royalty” of the Lehmans and the Loebs.
The Bronfmans’ newfound respectability
did not mean that their association with the Lansky-led criminal empire had
dissolved. Indeed, prominent members of the Seagrams dynasty came under fire in
the 1960s and 1970s for their close association with Willie “Obie” Obront, a major figure in
Canadian organized crime, whom Canadian professor Stephen Schneider has
referred to as the Meyer Lansky of Canada.
However, Edgar and Charles Bronfman
were hardly the only members of the Mega Group with deep and long-standing ties
to the Lansky-led National Crime Syndicate. Indeed, one of the group’s
prominent members, hedge fund manager Michael Steinhardt, opened up about his
own family ties to Lansky in his autobiography No Bull: My Life in and out the Markets, where he noted that
his father, Sol “Red McGee” Steinhardt, was Lansky’s jewel fence of choice and a major player in New York’s criminal underworld. Sol
Steinhardt was also his son’s first client on Wall Street and helped him
jumpstart his career in finance.
The ties between the Mega Group and
the National Crime Syndicate do not stop there. Another prominent member of the
Mega Group with ties to this same criminal network is Max Fisher, who has been
described as Wexner’s mentor and is also alleged to have
worked with Detroit’s “Purple Gang” during Prohibition and beyond.
The Purple Gang were part of the network that smuggled Bronfman liquor from
Canada into the United State during Prohibition, and one of its founders, Abe
Bernstein, was a close associate of both Meyer Lansky and Moe Dalitz. Fisher
was a key adviser to several U.S. presidents, beginning with Dwight
D. Eisenhower, as well as to Henry Kissinger.
In addition to Fisher, Mega Group
member Ronald Lauder was connected to Roy Cohn and Tom Bolan, both of whom were
closely associated with this same Lansky-led crime network and who regularly
represented top Mafia figures in court. Furthermore, another member of the Mega
Group, director Steven Spielberg, is a well-known protege of Lew Wasserman, the mob-connected media
mogul and long-time backer of Ronald Reagan’s film and later political career.
One surprise connection to Cohn
involves Mega Group member, and former president of U.S. weapons firm General
Dynamics, Lester Crown, whose brother-in-law is David Schine, Cohn’s confidant
and alleged lover during the McCarthy hearings, whose
relationship with Cohn helped bring about the downfall of
McCarthyism.
Another member of the Mega Group worth
noting is Laurence Tisch, who owned CBS News for several years and founded
Loews Corporation. Tisch is notable for his work for the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the precursor
to the CIA, where Donald Barr, who hired Epstein at the Dalton School, also
served and which forged ties with Lansky’s criminal empire during World War
II.
Wexner’s mansions and the Shapiro murder
Leslie “Les” Wexner, the other Mega
Group co-founder, also has ties to organized crime. Wexner’s ties to Jeffrey
Epstein have come under scrutiny following the latter’s recent arrest, as Wexner was the only publicly acknowledged
client of Epstein’s suspicious hedge fund, the source of much of this
wealth, and the previous owner of Epstein’s $56 million Manhattan
townhouse, which Wexner transferred to an Epstein-controlled entity for
free.
Before Epstein received the townhouse,
Wexner appears to have used the residence for some unconventional purposes,
noted in a 1996 New York Times article on the then-Wexner-owned
residence, which included “a bathroom reminiscent of James Bond movies: hidden
beneath a stairway, lined with lead to provide shelter from attack and supplied
with closed-circuit television screens and a telephone, both concealed in a
cabinet beneath the sink.” The Times article does not speculate as to the
purpose of this equipment, though the allusion to famous fictional superspy
James Bond suggests that it may have been used to snoop on guests or conduct
electronic surveillance.
The 1996 Times article also noted
that, after Wexner bought the residence for $13.2 million in 1989, he spent
millions more decorating and furnishing the home, including the addition of the
electronic equipment in the “James Bond” bathroom, only to apparently never
live in it. The Times, which interviewed Epstein for the piece, quoted him as
saying that “Les never spent more than two months there.” Epstein told the
Times, which identified Epstein as Wexner’s “protege and one of his financial
advisers,” that the house, by that time, already belonged to him.
That same year, Epstein was
commissioning artwork for Wexner’s Ohio mansion. A recent article from the Times noted that:
In the summer of 1996, Maria Farmer
was working on an art project for Mr. Epstein in Mr. Wexner’s Ohio mansion.
While she was there, Mr. Epstein sexually assaulted her, according to an
affidavit Ms. Farmer filed earlier this year in federal court in Manhattan. She
said that she fled the room and called the police, but that Mr. Wexner’s
security staff refused to let her leave for 12 hours.”
Farmer’s account strongly suggests
that, given the behavior of his personal security staff at his mansion
following Epstein’s alleged assault on Farmer, Wexner was well aware of
Epstein’s predatory behavior towards young women. This is compounded by claims
made by Alan Dershowitz — a former lawyer for and friend of Epstein’s, who has
also been accused of raping underage girls — that Wexner has also been
accused of raping underage girls exploited by Epstein on at least
seven occasions.
The presence of the electronic
equipment in his home’s bathroom, other oddities related to the townhouse, and
aspects of the links between Epstein and Wexner suggest there is more to
Wexner, who has rather successfully developed a public image of a respectable
businessman and philanthropist, much like other prominent members of the Mega
Group.
However, bits and pieces of Wexner’s
private secrets have occasionally bubbled up, only to be subjected to rapid
cover-ups amidst concerns of “libeling” the powerful and well-connected
billionaire “philanthropist.”
In 1985, Columbus (Ohio) lawyer Arthur
Shapiro was murdered in broad daylight at point-blank range in what
was largely referred to as a “mob style murder.” The homicide still remains
unsolved, likely due to the fact that then-Columbus Police Chief James Jackson
ordered the destruction of key documents of his department’s investigation into
the murder.
Jackson’s ordering of the documents’
destruction came to light years later in 1996, when he was under investigation
for corruption. According to the Columbus
Dispatch, Jackson justified the destruction of one “viable and
valuable” report because he felt that it “was so filled with wild
speculation about prominent business leaders that it was potentially libelous.”
The nature of this “wild speculation” was that “millionaire businessmen in
Columbus and Youngstown were linked to the ‘mob-style murder.’”
Though Jackson’s efforts were meant to
keep this “libelous” report far from public view, it was eventually obtained by
Bob Fitrakis — attorney, journalist, and executive director of the
Columbus Institute for Contemporary Journalism — after he was “accidentally”
sent a copy of the report in 1998 as part of a public records request.
The report, titled “Shapiro
Homicide Investigation: Analysis and Hypothesis,” names Leslie
Wexner as linked “with associates reputed to be organized crime figures” and
also lists the names of businessman Jack Kessler, former Columbus City Council
President and Wexner associate Jerry Hammond, and former Columbus City Council
member Les Wright as also being involved in Shapiro’s murder.
The report also noted that Arthur
Shapiro’s law firm — Schwartz, Shapiro, Kelm & Warren — represented
Wexner’s company, The Limited, and states that “prior to his death, Arthur
Shapiro managed this account [The Limited] for the law firm.” It also noted
that, at the time of his death, Shapiro “was the subject of an investigation by
the Internal Revenue Service because he had failed to file income tax returns
for some seven years prior to his death, and he had invested in some questionable
tax shelters.” It also stated that his death prevented Shapiro from his planned
testimony at a grand jury hearing about these “questionable tax shelters.”
As to Wexner’s alleged links to
organized crime, the report focuses on the close business relationship between
Wexner’s The Limited and Francis Walsh, whose trucking company “[had] done an
excess of 90 percent of the Limited’s trucking business around the time of
Shapiro’s murder,” according to the report. Walsh was named in a 1988 indictment as a “co-conspirator” of Genovese crime
family boss Anthony “Fat Tony” Salerno, whose long-time lawyer was Roy Cohn;
and the Shapiro murder report stated that Walsh was “still considered
associates of the Genovese/LaRocca crime family, and Walsh was still providing
truck transportation for The Limited.”
Notably, the Genovese crime family has
long formed a key part of the National Crime Syndicate, as its former head,
Charles “Lucky” Luciano, co-created
the criminal organization with his close friend Meyer Lansky. Upon Luciano’s
imprisonment and subsequent deportation from the United States, Lansky took
over the syndicate’s U.S. operations and his association with Luciano’s
successors continued until Lansky’s death in 1983.
The “Mega” Mystery and the Mossad
In May 1997, the Washington Post broke
an explosive story — long since forgotten — based on an
intercepted phone call made between a Mossad official in the U.S. and his
superior in Tel Aviv that discussed the Mossad’s efforts to obtain a secret
U.S. government document. According to the Post, the Mossad official stated
during the phone call that “Israeli Ambassador Eliahu Ben Elissar had asked him
whether he could obtain a copy of the letter given to [Palestinian leader
Yasser] Arafat by [then-Secretary of State Warren] Christopher on Jan. 16, the
day after the Hebron accord was signed by Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister
Binyamin Netanyahu.”
The Post article continued:
According to a source who viewed a
copy of the NSA transcript of the conversation, the intelligence officer,
speaking in Hebrew, said, ‘The ambassador wants me to go to Mega to get a copy
of this letter.’ The source said the supervisor in Tel Aviv rejected the
request, saying, ‘This is not something we use Mega for.’”
The leaked communication led to an
investigation that sought to identify an individual code-named “Mega” that the
Post said “may be someone in the U.S. government who has provided information
to the Israelis in the past,” a concern that subsequently spawned a fruitless
FBI investigation. The Mossad later claimed that “Mega” was merely a codeword for the U.S.’
CIA, but the FBI and NSA were unconvinced by that claim and believed that it was a senior U.S. government official that
had potentially once been involved in working with Jonathan Pollard, the former
U.S. naval intelligence analyst later convicted of spying for the Mossad.
Almost one year to the day after the
“Mega” spy scandal broke, the Wall Street Journal was the first
outlet to report on the existence of a little-known organization of
billionaires that was “informally” called the Mega Group and had been founded
years prior in 1991. The report made no mention of the spy scandal that had
spread concerns of Israeli espionage in the U.S. only a year prior. However,
the group’s distinctive “informal” name and the connections of its members to
the Mossad and to high-ranking Israeli politicians, including prime ministers,
raise the possibility that “Mega” was not an individual, as the FBI and NSA had
believed, but a group.
In 1997, when the “Mega” spy scandal
broke, Netanyahu had recently become prime minister of Israel after an upset
victory, a victory that was largely credited to one well-connected Netanyahu backer in
particular, Ronald Lauder. Beyond being a major donor, Lauder had brought
Arthur Finklestein on to work for Netanyahu’s 1996 campaign, whose strategies
were credited for Netanyahu’s surprise win. Netanyahu was close enough to
Lauder that he personally enlisted Lauder and George Nader to serve as his
peace envoys to Syria.
Benjamin Netanyahu and his wife Sara with Ronald Lauder in 1997. Photo | Reuters
Nader, who was connected to the Trump
2016 campaign and Trump ally and Blackwater founder Erik Prince, was recently hit with federal child sex trafficking charges last
month, soon after Jeffrey Epstein had been arrested on similar charges. At the
time Nader was picked to work with Lauder on Netanyahu’s behalf, he had already been caught possessing large amounts of child
pornography on two separate occasions, first in 1984 and later in 1990.
This strong connection between
Netanyahu and Lauder during the time of the 1997 “Mega” spy scandal is
important considering Mossad answers directly to Israel’s prime minister.
Another possible connection between
the Mega Group and the Mossad owes to the Mega Group’s ties to Meyer Lansky’s
criminal network. Lansky had established deep ties to U.S. intelligence after
World War II and was also connected to the Mossad through Mossad official Tibor
Rosenbaum, whose bank was frequently used by Lansky to launder money. In
addition, Lansky collaborated on at least one occasion with notorious Mossad
“superspy” Rafi Eitan, who he helped acquire sensitive electronic equipment possessed only
by the CIA but coveted by Israeli intelligence. Eitan is best known in the U.S.
for being the Mossad handler of Jonathan Pollard.
Notably, Eitan was the main source of claims that the code-word “Mega” used by
the Mossad officials in 1997 referred to the CIA and not to a potential source
in the U.S. government once linked to Pollard’s spying activities, making his
claims as to the true meaning of the term somewhat dubious.
Given that the organized crime network
tied to the Mega Group had ties to both U.S. and Israeli intelligence, the “Mega”
codeword could plausibly have referred to this secretive group of billionaires.
More supporting evidence for this theory comes from the fact that prominent
members of the Mega Group were business partners of Mossad agents, including
media mogul Robert Maxwell and commodities trader Marc Rich.
The mysterious Maxwells
The Maxwell family has become a source
of renewed media interest following Jeffrey Epstein’s arrest, as Ghislaine
Maxwell, long described in the media as a British “socialite,” was publicly
cited as Epstein’s long-time “on and off” girlfriend, and Epstein’s victims, as
well as former wives of Epstein’s friends, have claimed that she was Epstein’s
“pimp” and procured underage girls for his sexual blackmail operation.
Ghislaine Maxwell is also alleged to have engaged in the rape of the girls she
procured for Epstein and to have used them to produce child pornography.
Ghislaine was the favorite and youngest
daughter of media mogul Robert Maxwell. Maxwell, born Jan Ludvick Hoch, had
joined the British Army in World War II. Afterwards, according to authors John Loftus and Mark Aarons, he greatly influenced the
Czechoslovakian government’s decision to arm Zionist paramilitaries during the
1948 war that resulted in Israel’s creation as a state, and Maxwell himself was
also involved in the smuggling of aircraft parts to Israel.
Around this time, Maxwell was
approached by British intelligence outfit MI6 and offered a position that
Maxwell ultimately declined. MI6 then classified him as “Zionist — loyal only to Israel” and made
him a person of interest. He later became an agent of the Mossad, according to
several books including Seymour Hersh’s The
Samson Option: Israel’s Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy,
and Robert Maxwell: Israel’s Superspy by Gordon Thomas and Martin Dillon.
Mossad was financing many of its
operations in Europe from money stolen from Maxwell’s newspaper pension fund.
They got their hands on the funds almost as soon as Maxwell made the purchase
of the Mirror Newspaper Group with money lent to him by Mossad.”
In exchange for his services, the
Mossad helped Maxwell satisfy his sexual appetite during his visits to Israel, providing him with prostitutes, “the service maintained for
blackmail purposes.” It was later revealed that the hotel in which he stayed in
Israel was bugged with cameras, allowing the Mossad to acquire “a small library
of video footage of Maxwell in sexually compromising positions.” As with the
CIA, the Mossad’s use of blackmail against both friend and foe is well-documented and known to be extensive.
Maxwell was also a close associate and
friend of Israeli “superspy” Rafi Eitan, who, as previously mentioned, was
Jonathan Pollard’s handler and who had previously worked directly with Meyer
Lansky. Eitan had learned of a revolutionary new software being used by the
U.S. government known as “Promis” from Earl Brian, a long-time associate and
aide to Ronald Reagan. Promis is often considered the forerunner to the “Prism”
software used by spy agencies today and was developed by William Hamilton, who
leased the software to the U.S. government through his company, Inslaw, in
1982.
According to author and former BBC
investigative journalist Gordon Thomas, Brian was angry that the U.S. Department of Justice was successfully
using Promis to go after organized crime and money-laundering activities and
Eitan felt that the program could aid Israel. At the time, Eitan was the
director of the now defunct Israeli military intelligence agency Lekem, which
gathered scientific and technical intelligence abroad from both public and
covert sources, especially in relation to Israel’s nuclear weapons program.
A plan was hatched to install a “trapdoor” into the software and then market Promis
throughout the world, providing the Mossad with invaluable intelligence on the
operations of its enemies and allies while also providing Eitan and Brian with copious
amounts of cash. According to the testimony of ex-Mossad official Ari
Ben-Menashe, Brian provided a copy of Promis to Israel’s military intelligence,
which contacted an Israeli American programmer living in California who then
planted the “trapdoor” in the software. The CIA was later said to have
installed its own trapdoor in the software but it is unknown if they did so
with a version of the already bugged software and how widely it was adopted
relative to the version bugged by Israeli intelligence.
After the trapdoor was inserted, the
problem became selling the bugged version of the software to governments as
well as private companies around the world, particularly in areas of interest.
Brian first attempted to buy out Inslaw and Promis and then use that same
company to sell the bugged version.
Unsuccessful, Brian turned to his close
friend, then-Attorney General Ed Meese whose Justice Department then abruptly refused to make the payments to Inslaw that were
stipulated by the contract, essentially using the software for free, which
Inslaw claimed to be theft. Some have speculated that Meese’s role in that
decision was shaped, not only by his friendship with Brian, but the fact that
his wife was a major investor in Brian’s business ventures. Meese would
later become an adviser to Donald Trump when he was president-elect.
Inslaw was forced to declare
bankruptcy as a result of Meese’s actions and sued the Justice Department. The
court later found that the Meese-led department “took, converted,
stole” the software through “trickery, fraud and deceit.”
With Inslaw out of the way, Brian sold
the software all over the world. Eitan later recruited Robert Maxwell to become
another Promis salesman, which he did remarkably well, even succeeding in
selling the software to Soviet intelligence and conspiring with Republican Texas Senator John Tower to have
the software adopted by the U.S. government laboratory at Los Alamos. Dozens of
countries used the software on their most carefully guarded computer systems,
unaware that Mossad now had access to everything Promis touched.
Whereas the Mossad’s past reliance on
gathering intelligence had relied on the same tactics used by its equivalents
in the U.S. and elsewhere, the widespread adoption of the Promis software,
largely through the actions of Earl Brian and Robert Maxwell, gave the Mossad a
way to gather not just troves of counterintelligence data, but also blackmail
on other intelligence agencies and powerful figures.
Indeed, Promis’ backdoor and adoption
by intelligence agencies all over the world essentially provided the Mossad
with access to troves of blackmail that the CIA and FBI had acquired on their
friends and foes for over half a century. Strangely, in recent years, the FBI
has sought to hide information related to Robert Maxwell’s
connection to the Promis scandal.
According to journalist Robert Fisk, Maxwell was also involved in the
Mossad abduction of Israeli nuclear weapons whistleblower Vanunu Mordechai.
Mordechai had attempted to provide the media with information on the extent of
Israel’s nuclear weapons program, which was eventually published by the Sunday
Times of London. Yet, Mordechai had also contacted the Daily Mirror with the
information, the Mirror being an outlet that was owned by Maxwell and whose
foreign editor was a close Maxwell associate and alleged Mossad asset, Nicholas
Davies. Journalist Seymour Hersh alleged that Davies had also been involved in
Israeli arms deals.
Per Fisk, it was Maxwell who contacted
the Israeli Embassy in London and told them of Mordechai’s activities. This led
to Mordechai’s entrapment by a female Mossad agent who seduced him as part of a
“honey trap” operation that led to his kidnapping and later imprisonment in
Israel. Mordechai served an 18-year sentence, 12 years of which were in
solitary confinement.
Then, there is the issue of Maxwell’s
death, widely cited by mainstream and independent media alike as suspicious and a potential homicide. According to authors
Gordon Thomas and Martin Dillon, Maxwell had sealed his own fate when he
attempted to threaten top Mossad officials with the exposure of certain
operations if they did not help him rescue his media empire from crippling debt
and financial difficulties. Many of Maxwell’s creditors, who had grown increasingly displeased with the
media mogul, were Israeli and several of them were alleged to be
Mossad-connected themselves.
Thomas and Dillon argue in their biography of Maxwell’s life that the Mossad felt that
Maxwell had become more of a liability than an asset and killed him on his
yacht three months after he demanded the bailout. On the other extreme are
theories that suggest Maxwell committed suicide because of the financial
difficulties his empire faced.
Some have taken Maxwell’s funeral held
in Israel as the country’s “official” confirmation of Maxwell’s service to the
Mossad, as it was likened to a state funeral and attended by no less than six serving and former heads of Israeli
intelligence. During his funeral service in Jerusalem, Israeli Prime Minister
Yitzhak Shamir eulogized him and stated: “He has done more for Israel than can today be said.”
Other eulogies were given by future Prime Ministers Ehud Olmert
(then Health Minister) and Shimon Peres, with the latter also praising Maxwell’s “services” on behalf of Israel.
Swimming in the same swamp
As he built his business empire — and
even became a member of Parliament, Maxwell was also doing work for Israeli
intelligence, as several of the Israeli companies in which he invested became
fronts for the Mossad. In addition, as he became a media mogul, he developed a
bitter rivalry with Rupert Murdoch, a close friend of Roy Cohn and an
influential figure in American and British media.
Maxwell also partnered with the
Bronfman brothers, Edgar and Charles — key figures in the Mega Group. In 1989
Maxwell and Charles Bronfman partnered up to bid on the Jerusalem Post newspaper and the
Post described the two men as “two of the world’s leading Jewish financiers”
and their interest in the venture as “developing The Jerusalem Post and
expanding its influence among world Jewry.” A year prior, Maxwell and Bronfman had become top shareholders in the Israeli pharmaceutical
company Teva.
Maxwell also worked with Charles
Bronfman’s brother Edgar in the late 1980s to convince the Soviet Union to
allow Soviet Jews to immigrate to Israel. Edgar’s efforts in this regard have received more attention, as it was a defining moment of
his decades-long presidency of the World Jewish Congress, of which Ronald
Lauder is currently president. Yet, Maxwell had also made considerable use of his contacts in the Soviet government in
this effort.
Maxwell also moved in the circles of
the network previously described. A key example of this is the May 1989 party Maxwell hosted on his yacht, the Lady
Ghislaine — named for his youngest daughter and Epstein’s future “girlfriend.”
Attendees of the party included Roy Cohn’s protege Donald Trump and his
long-time law partner Tom Bolan. A close friend of Nancy Reagan was also
present, journalist Mike Wallace, as was literary agent Mort Janklow, who
represented Ronald Reagan and two of Cohn’s closest friends: journalists William
Safire and Barbara Walters.
The CEO of what would soon become Time
Warner, Steve Ross, was also invited to the exclusive event. Ross’ presence is
notable, as he had built his business empire largely through his association with New York crime lords
Manny Kimmel and Abner “Longy” Zwillman. Zwillman was a close friend of Meyer
Lansky, Michael Steinhardt’s father, and Sam Bronfman, father of Edgar and Charles
Bronfman.
Another attendee of the Maxwell yacht
party was former Secretary of the Navy and former Henry Kissinger staffer Jon
Lehman, who would go on to associate with the controversial neoconservative
think tank, Project for a New American
Century. Prior to being secretary of the Navy, Lehman had been president of
the Abington Corporation, which hired arch-neocon Richard Perle to manage the portfolio of Israeli arms dealers Shlomo Zabludowicz and
his son Chaim, who paid Ablington $10,000 month. A scandal arose when those payments continued after both Lehman and Perle joined the
Reagan Department of Defense and while Perle was working to persuade the
Pentagon to buy arms from companies linked to Zabludowicz. Perle had been part
of the Reagan transition team along with Roy Cohn’s long-time friend and law
partner Tom Bolan (another Maxwell yacht guest).
In addition to Lehman, another former
Kissinger staffer, Thomas Pickering was present at Maxwell’s yacht part.
Pickering played a minor role in the Iran-Contra affair and, at the time of the
Maxwell yacht party, he was U.S. ambassador to Israel. Senator John Tower
(R-TX), who allegedly conspired with Maxwell in the Mossad-bugged Promis
software at the Los Alamos laboratories, was also present. Tower died just
months before Maxwell in a suspicious plane crash.
Ghislaine Maxwell was also at this
rather notable event. After her father’s mysterious death and alleged murder on
the same yacht that bears her name in 1991, she quickly packed her bags and
moved to New York City. There, she soon made the acquaintance of Jeffrey
Epstein and, a few years later, developed close ties to the Clinton family.
Jeffrey Epstein and the new “Promise”
After it was revealed that Epstein had
evaded stricter sentencing in 2008 due to his links to “intelligence,” it was
the Mossad ties of Ghislaine Maxwell’s father that have led many to speculate
that Epstein’s sexual blackmail operation was sharing incriminating information
with the Mossad. Former CBS executive producer and current journalist for the
media outlet Narativ, Zev Shalev, has since claimed
that he independently confirmed that Epstein was tied directly to the
Mossad.
Epstein was a long-time friend of
former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, who has long-standing and deep ties
to Israel’s intelligence community. Their decades-long friendship has been the
source of recent political attacks targeting Barak, who is running in the
Israeli elections against current Prime Minister Netanyahu later this
year.
Barak is also close to Epstein’s chief patron
and Mega Group member Leslie Wexner, whose Wexner Foundation gave Barak $2 million in 2004 for a still unspecified research
program. According to Barak, he was first introduced to
Epstein by former Israeli Prime
Minister Shimon Peres, who eulogized Robert Maxwell at his funeral and had
decades-long ties with the Bronfman family going back to the early 1950s. Peres
was also a frequent participant in programs funded by Leslie Wexner in Israel and worked closely with the Mossad for decades.
In 2015, a few years after Epstein’s
release from prison following his conviction for soliciting sex from a minor in
2008, Barak formed a company with Epstein with the chief purpose of investing
in an Israeli start-up then known as Reporty. That company, now called Carbyne,
sells its signature software to 911 call centers and emergency service
providers and is also available to consumers as an app that provides emergency
services with access to a caller’s camera and location and also runs any
caller’s identity through any linked government database. It has specifically
been marketed by the company itself and the Israeli press as a solution to mass shootings in the United States and is already being used
by at least two U.S. counties.
Israeli media reported that Epstein
and Barak were among the company’s largest investors. Barak poured millions
into the company and it was recently
revealed by Haaretz that a significant amount of Barak’s total
investments in Carbyne was funded by Epstein, making him a “de facto partner”
in the company. Barak is now Carbyne’s chairman.
The company’s executive team are all
former members of different branches of Israeli intelligence, including the
elite military intelligence unit, Unit 8200, that is often likened to Israel’s
equivalent of the U.S. National Security Agency (NSA). Carbyne’s current CEO,
Amir Elichai, served in Unit 8200 and tapped former Unit 8200 commander Pinchas
Buchris to serve as the company’s director and on its board. In
addition to Elichai, another Carbyne co-founder, Lital Leshem,
also served in Unit 8200 and later worked for Israeli private spy company Black
Cube. Leshem now works for a subsidiary of Erik Prince’s company Frontier
Services Group, according to the independent media outlet Narativ.
The company also includes several
tie-ins to the Trump administration, including Palantir founder and Trump ally
Peter Thiel — an investor in Carbyne. In addition, Carbyne’s board of advisers includes
former Palantir employee Trae Stephens, who was a member of the Trump
transition team, as well as former Secretary of Homeland Security Michael
Chertoff. Trump donor and New York real-estate developer Eliot Tawill is
also on Carbyne’s
board, alongside Ehud Barak and Pinchas Buchris.
Narativ, which wrote the first expose
on Carbyne after Epstein’s arrest, noted that the Chinese government uses a
smartphone app very similar to Carbyne as part of its mass surveillance
apparatus, even though the original purpose of the app was for improved
emergency reporting. According to Narativ, the Chinese Carbyne-equivalent
“monitors every aspect of a user’s life, including personal conversations,
power usage, and tracks a user’s movement.”
Given the history of Robert Maxwell —
the father of Epstein’s long-time “girlfriend” and young-girl-procuring madam,
Ghislaine Maxwell — in promoting the sale of Carbyne’s modified Promis
software, which was also marketed as a tool to improve government efficacy but
was actually a tool of mass surveillance for the benefit of Israeli
intelligence, the overlap between Carbyne and Promis is troubling and warrants
further investigation.
It is also worth noting that Unit
8200-connected tech start-ups are being widely integrated into U.S. companies
and have developed close ties to the U.S. military-industrial complex, with
Carbyne being just one example of that trend.
Unit 8200-linked outfits like Team8
have recently hired former National Security Agency (NSA) Director Mike Rogers
as a senior advisor and gained prominent Silicon Valley figures, including
former Google CEO Eric Schmidt, as key investors. Many American technology companies,
from Intel to Google to Microsoft, have merged
with several Unit 8200-connected start-ups in recent years and have
been moving many key jobs and operations to Israel with backing from
key Republican donors like Paul Singer. Many of those same
companies, particularly Google and Microsoft, are also major U.S. government
contractors.
Who was Epstein really working for?
Even though Jeffrey Epstein appears to
have had ties to the Mossad, this series has revealed that the networks to
which Epstein was connected were not Mossad-exclusive, as many of the
individuals close to Epstein — Lesie Wexner, for instance — were part of a
mob-connected class of oligarchs with deep ties to both the U.S. and Israel. The
sharing of “intelligence” (i.e., blackmail) between intelligence agencies and
the same organized crime network connected to the Mega Group goes back decades.
With Leslie Wexner of the Mega Group as Epstein’s chief patron, as opposed to a
financier with direct ties to the Mossad, a similar relationship is more than
likely in the case of the sexual blackmail operation that Epstein ran.
Given that intelligence agencies in
both the U.S. and elsewhere often conduct covert operations for the benefit of
oligarchs and large corporations as opposed to “national security interest,”
Epstein’s ties to the Mega Group suggest that this group holds a unique status
and influence in both the governments of the U.S. and of Israel, as well as in
other countries (e.g., Russia). This is by virtue of their role as key
political donors in both countries, as well as the fact that several of them
own powerful companies or financial institutions in both countries. Indeed,
many members of the Mega Group have deep ties to Israel’s political class,
including to Netanyahu and Ehud Barak as well as to now-deceased figures like
Shimon Peres, and to members of the American political class.
Ultimately, the picture painted by the
evidence is not a direct tie to a single intelligence agency but a web linking
key members of the Mega Group, politicians, and officials in both the U.S. and
Israel, and an organized-crime network with deep business and intelligence ties
in both nations.
Though this article has so far focused
on the ties of this network to main Republican Party affiliates, it will also reveal
the ties developed between this web and the Clintons. As will be revealed,
despite the Clintons’ willingness to embrace corrupt dealings during the span
of their political careers, their mostly friendly relationship with this
network still saw them use the power of sexual blackmail to obtain certain
policy decisions that were favorable to their personal and financial interests
but not to the Clintons’ political reputation or agendas.
Jeffrey Epstein,
the billionaire who no longer sits in jail on federal charges for the sex
trafficking of minors, has continued to draw media scrutiny in the weeks after
his arrest on July 6 and supposed suicide of August 12, 2019. Part of the
reason for this continued media interest is related to Epstein’s alleged
relationship to the intelligence services and new information about the true
extent of the sexual blackmail operation Epstein is believed to have run for
decades.
Epstein was able to run this sordid operation
for so long precisely because his was only the latest incarnation of a much
older, more extensive operation that began in the 1950s and perhaps even
earlier.
Starting first
with mob-linked liquor baron Lewis Rosenstiel and later with Roy Cohn,
Rosenstiel’s protege and future mentor to Donald Trump, Epstein’s is just one
of the many sexual blackmail operations involving children that are all tied to
the same network, which includes elements of organized crime, powerful
Washington politicians, lobbyists and “fixers,” and clear links to intelligence
as well as the FBI.
This report will
delve into Cohn’s close ties to the Reagan administration, which was also
closely tied to the same organized crime network led by the infamous mob figure
Meyer Lansky. Of particular importance is the “Iran Contra” network, a group of
Reagan officials and associates who played key roles in the Iran Contra scandal.
Though it has remained relatively unknown for years, many key figures in that
same network, and several fronts for the CIA that were involved in funneling
money to the Central American Contra paramilitaries, were also trafficking
minors for their sexual exploitation and use in sexual blackmail rings.
Several of these
rings made headlines at one point or another over the years — from the “call
boy ring” run by Washington lobbyist Craig Spence, to the Franklin child-sex
and murder ring run by Republican operative Larry King, to the scandal that
enveloped the Catholic charity Covenant House in the late 1980s.
These rings — and
more — were connected to the same network that involved key figures linked to
the Reagan White House and linked to Roy Cohn — revealing the true scope of the
sordid sexual blackmail operations and sex rings that involved the trafficking
of children within the U.S. and Central America for their exploitation by
dangerous and powerful pedovores in the United States.
Appalling for both the villainous
abuse of children itself and the chilling implications of government by
blackmail, this tangled web of unsavory alliances casts a lurid light on the
political history of the United States from the Prohibition Era right up to the
present day and the Age of Trump, a fact made increasingly clear as more and
more information comes to light in relation to the Jeffrey Epstein case.
“Roy could fix anyone in the
city”
Since Donald
Trump burst onto the political scene in 2015, the legacy of his mentor, Roy
Cohn – as well as Cohn’s influence on his most famous protege — have begun to
garner renewed attention. Many of the profiles on Cohn following Trump’s rise
have focused solely on certain shadowy aspects of Cohn’s history, particularly his association
with major figures in New York
organized crime, his corrupt dealings, and his eventual disbarment.
Some of these portrayals even went so far as to label Cohn as
politically impotent. While Cohn was known to deal with a sizable amount of
sleaze in his career, such depictions of the man fail to note that he had
created an influence machine of unrivaled power that included some of the most
prominent people in media and politics as well as a cadre of celebrities.
Cohn was closely
associated with numerous celebrities, famous politicians and political
operatives. Many of his birthday parties over the years attracted such famous
figures such as artist Andy Warhol, fashion designer Calvin Klein, and comedian
Joey Adams, as well as notable political figures including former
Mayor of New York Abraham Beame and then-Assemblyman from Brooklyn and future
Senator Chuck Schumer, among others. In 1979 Margaret Trudeau, mother of
current Prime Minister of Canada Justin Trudeau, attended Cohn’s birthday
party, where she famously toppled his
custom birthday cake; and of course Donald Trump, who became Cohn’s protege in
the mid-1970s, was a frequent fixture at social events held in Cohn’s honor.
The politicians,
journalists and celebrities invited to Cohn’s exclusive parties were said to be
those who “had open accounts in Cohn’s ‘favor bank,’” his nickname for
his unofficial balance sheet of political favors and debts that was surely
informed and influenced by his extensive involvement in sexual blackmail
operations from the 1950s well into the 1980s.
Many of Cohn’s
celebrity friendships were cultivated through his relationship with and
frequent appearances at the famous and famously debaucherous New York nightclub
Studio 54, which was described byVanity Fair as “the giddy epicenter of 70s
hedonism, a disco hothouse of beautiful people, endless cocaine, and every kind
of sex.” Cohn was the long-time lawyer of the club’s owners, Steve Rubell and
Ian Schrager.
Studio 54
co-owner Steve Rubell and Roy Cohn, left, talk to reporters outside U.S.
District Court in Manhattan on, Nov. 2, 1979. Photo | AP
Among Cohn’s
closest friends were Barbara Walters, to whom Cohn often referred as
his “fiancee” in public, and whom he later introduced to the head of the U.S.
Information Agency, Chad Wick, and other high rollers in the Reagan White
House. Yet, Walters was just one of Cohn’s powerful friends in the media, a
group that also included Abe
Rosenthal, executive editor of the New York Times; William Safire,
long-time New York Times columnist and New York Magazine
contributor; and George Sokolsky of The New York Herald Tribune, NBC and
ABC. Sokolsky was a particularly close friend of both Cohn and former
FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, whose involvement in Cohn’s sexual blackmail
operation is common knowledge. Sokolsky ran the American Jewish League Against Communism with Cohn for several
years and the organization later named its Medal of Honor after Sokolsky.
Cohn was also the
attorney and friend of media mogul Rupert Murdoch and, according to New York
Magazine, “Whenever Roy wanted a story stopped, item put in, or
story exploited, Roy called Murdoch;” and, after Murdoch bought the New York
Post, Cohn “wielded the paper as his personal shiv.” According to the late journalist Robert Parry,
the friendship between Murdoch and Cohn first began thanks to their mutual
support for Israel.
Cohn also leaned
on his life-long friend
since high school, Si Newhouse Jr., to exert media influence. Newhouse oversaw
the media empire that now includes Vanity Fair, Vogue, GQ, The New Yorker,
and numerous local newspapers throughout the United States, as well as major
interests in cable television. New York Magazine also noted that
“Cohn used his influence in the early ’80s to secure favors for himself and his
Mob clients in Newhouse publications.” In addition to Newhouse, Cohn’s other high school pals,
Generoso Pope Jr. and Richard Berlin, later became the owners of the National
Enquirer and the Hearst Corporation, respectively. Cohn was also a close
friend of another media mogul, Mort Zuckerman, who – along with Rupert Murdoch
– would go on to befriend Jeffrey Epstein.
Cohn’s media
confidants, like journalist William Buckley of The National Review and Firing
Line, often attacked Cohn’s political enemies – particularly long-time
Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morgenthau — in their columns, using Cohn as
an anonymous source. Buckley, whom historian George Nash once called “the
preeminent voice of American conservatism and its first great ecumenical
figure,” received the George Sokolsky
medal alongside Cohn’s mob-linked client and “Supreme Commander”
Lewis Rosenstiel from the Cohn-run American Jewish League Against Communism in
1966. Buckley later got a heavily discounted $65,000 loan to buy a luxury boat
from a bank where Cohn held influence and whose president Cohn had hand picked,
according to a 1969 article in LIFE
magazine.
Buckley — along
with Barbara Walters, Alan Dershowitz and Donald Trump — would later serve as character
witnesses for Cohn during his 1986 disbarment hearings and all but
Buckley would later draw controversy for their relationships with Jeffrey
Epstein.
With connections
like this, it’s no wonder that Stanley Friedman — a law partner of Cohn, who
was later imprisoned over a kickback and bribery scandal
while serving as New York’s deputy mayor — told journalist Marie Brenner
in 1980 that “Roy could fix anyone in the city.”
Politically ubiquitous and
polygamous
Roy Cohn’s “favor
bank” and his unique position as a liaison between the criminal underworld, the
rich and famous, and top media influencers made him a force to be reckoned
with. Yet, it was his political connections to leadership figures in both the
Republican and Democratic parties and his close relationship to long-time FBI
Director J. Edgar Hoover, among other figures, that made him and his dark
secret “untouchable” for much of his life. Though most of his political
influence was forged in the 1950s, Cohn became evenmore powerful
with the rise of Ronald Reagan.
Even though he
nominally maintained his affiliation with the Democratic Party throughout his
life, Cohn was a well-known “fixer” for Republican candidates and this is
clearly seen in his outsized roles during the 1976 and 1980 presidential
campaigns of Ronald Reagan. It was during the latter that Cohn would meet another of
his proteges, Roger Stone, whom he infamously instructed to leave a hefty bribe tucked
in a suitcase at the doorstep of the Liberal Party’s headquarters during the
1980 campaign. During this campaign, Cohn would also meet Paul Manafort — an associate of Stone and later Trump’s 2016
campaign manager — and introduce both to Donald Trump.
Cohn’s law
partner, Tom Bolan, was also an influential force in the Reagan campaign and later chaired
Reagan’s transition team in 1980. Reagan then named Bolan,
whom he considered a friend, a director of the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation, the government’s development finance institution, and he was also the
New York finance co-chairman in the Reagan campaign in both 1980 and
1984. Bolan was also close to others
in Cohn’s circle, such as William F. Buckley Jr., Donald Trump and Rupert
Murdoch.
Furthermore,
Bolan was instrumental in securing federal judgeships for several individuals
who would later become influential, including future FBI
Director Louis Freeh. Cohn was also able to get friends of clients appointed as
federal judges, including Donald
Trump’s sister, Maryanne Trump Barry. After Barry was appointed as a federal
judge, Trump called Cohn to thank
him for pulling strings on his sister’s behalf.
Though Cohn was
not given a public position in the Reagan administration, he was not merely a
“dirty trickster” who worked in the shadows during the Reagan campaigns. In
fact, he worked closely with some of the more visible faces of the campaign,
including the then-communications director for Reagan’s 1980 campaign and later
CIA director, William Casey.
According to Christine Seymour —
Cohn’s long-time switchboard operator from the late 1960s up until his death in
1986, who listened in on his calls — Casey and Cohn were close friends and,
during the 1980 campaign, Casey “called Roy almost daily.”
Seymour also
noted that one of Cohn’s other most frequent phone pals and closest friends was
Nancy Reagan and she was also one of his clients.
Reagan, whose influence over her husband was well-known, was so close to Cohn
that it was largely his death from AIDS that led her to “encourage
her husband to seek more funding for AIDS research.”
Prior to Cohn’s
death, Nancy and her husband Ronald secured his spot in
an exclusive experimental AIDS treatment program, despite the Reagan
administration’s well-documented “non-response” to the AIDS crisis of the era.
Ronald Reagan was also a friend of Cohn’s and, according to late journalist Robert Parry,
“lavished favors on Cohn, including invitations to White House events, personal
thank-you notes and friendly birthday wishes” over the course of his
presidency.
Given that Reagan
heavily courted the evangelical right and promoted “family values” as
president, the close ties between not only himself, but his inner circle, with
Cohn may seem odd. However, Reagan, like Cohn, had deep ties to the same
organized-crime factions that were among Cohn’s clients and affiliates of the
same Mafia figures close to Cohn’s own mentor, Lewis Rosenstiel.
Not unlike Cohn,
Reagan’s own mentor, Lew
Wasserman, had close ties to the mob. Wasserman, the long-time president of MCA
and the well-known Hollywood mogul, is known for not only making Reagan’s film
and television career, but also supporting his successful
push to become president of the Screen Actors Guild, which later launched
Reagan’s political career. In addition, MCA was a major financier of Reagan’s
successful gubernatorial bid in 1966 and, not long after Reagan became
president, his administration controversially shut down
a massive Department of Justice (DOJ) probe into MCA’s ties to organized crime.
Ronald Reagan,
center, with A.C. Lyles and Lew Wasserman, right. Photo | A.C. Lyles
According to
Shawn Swords, a documentary filmmaker who explored Reagan’s ties to MCA in Wages
of Spin II: Bring Down That Wall:
Ronald Reagan was
an opportunist. His whole career was guided by MCA — by Wasserman and [MCA
founder] Jules Stein, who bragged that Reagan was malleable, that they could do
what they wanted with him…That thing about Reagan being tough on [organized]
crime — that’s a fallacy.”
Swords’
characterization of this relationship is supported by an
unnamed Hollywood source cited in a declassified DOJ document, who called
Reagan “a complete slave of MCA who would do their bidding on anything.”
What elements of
organized crime were connected to Wasserman? As a young man, Lew Wasserman
joined the Mayfield Road Gang, which was run by Moe Dalitz, a close friend of
Meyer Lansky who, per the FBI, was a
powerful figure in Lansky’s criminal enterprise, second only to Lansky himself
among members of the Jewish mob.
Lew Wasserman
would later marry Edith Beckerman, whose father was Dalitz’s lawyer.
Wasserman’s closest friend and lawyer,
Sidney Korshak, also had close ties to Dalitz and once partnered with
Lansky in the Acapulco Towers Hotel. Notably, the magazine New West stated in 1976 that Korshak was the “logical successor to Meyer
Lansky.” Korshak, as a lawyer, fit a niche similar to Roy Cohn and gained a reputation
as the bridge between organized crime and respectable society.
In addition, the DOJ probe into MCA that the Reagan administration quashed was reportedly spurred after the Justice Department learned that an influential member of the Gambino crime family, Salvatore Pisello, was doing business with the massive entertainment company. At that time, the boss of the Gambino crime family, Paul Castellano, was a client of Roy Cohn.
This blog is split into 2 parts due to its length. Look for part 2 in the menu.